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Thursday, January 28, 2010

Volatile Bangladesh Executes Killers of Independence Leader!The woman from Barishal had answered, `We do quite well. The Action taken in India has its routine REACTIONS, sometimes chain Reactions in Bangladesh which creates troubles for us every time

Volatile Bangladesh Executes Killers of Independence Leader!The woman from Barishal had answered, `We do quite well. The Action taken in India has its routine REACTIONS, sometimes chain Reactions in Bangladesh which creates troubles for us every time!'


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Bangladesh hangs five of Mujib's assassins

The Hindu - ‎5 hours ago‎
PTI AP Cheering supporters carry a portrait of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman outside the Dhaka central jail on early Thursday as Bangladesh executed five former ...
Sin Chew Jit Poh - New York Times

Cricket: Black Caps underrate new boys Bangladesh at their peril

New Zealand Herald - David Leggat - ‎2 hours ago‎
When people talk of the future looking bright for Bangladesh, it's players such as Shakib al Hasan they are thinking of. ...
The Hindu - NDTV.com


  1. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of ... Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students ...
    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sheikh_Mujibur_Rahman - Cached - Similar -
  2. Wadi Mujib - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Wadi Mujib is a gorge in Jordan which enters the Dead Sea at 410 meters below sea level. The Mujib Reserve of Wadi Mujib is the lowest nature reserve in the ...
    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wadi_Mujib - Cached - Similar -
  3. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman

    Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman was born on March 22, 1922, at Faridpur, now in Bangladesh. He was an active member of the Muslim League in pre-Independence India. ...
    www.storyofpakistan.com/person.asp?perid=P035 - Cached - Similar -
  4. News results for Mujib


    Bangladesh executes killers of independence leader Mujib‎ - 8 hours ago
    Mujib, as he was known, led Bangladesh to independence in 1971 during a bloody war against Pakistan before he was gunned down at his home along with his ...
    Sin Chew Jit Poh - 616 related articles »
  5. Video results for Mujib

    what mujib said
    1 min 42 sec - 19 Jul 2007
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  6. Al Jazeera English - CENTRAL/S. ASIA - Bangladesh hangs Mujib killers

    Five former soldiers executed for 1975 assassination of country's independence leader.
    english.aljazeera.net/news/asia/.../20101283949433384.html - 6 hours ago -
  7. Flickr: Mujib's Photostream

    Notes from above ground by Mujib. Quicknote, temple style. ... Outrageous by Mujib. Yes, they meant sandal, as in wood, which is what it smells of. ...
    www.flickr.com/photos/mujib/ - Cached - Similar -
  8. Five Mujib assassins executed

    28 Jan 2010 ... The process to execute the assassins of Sheikh Mujib, the father of Prime ... Mujib assassination: Bangla SC upholds dealth penalty for five ...
    www.deccanherald.com/.../five-mujib-assassins-executed.html - 4 hours ago -
  9. Mujib Rahman: Vision for Future

    Mujib Rahman is an educator, a community leader, an activist, and a social organizer who has spent decades fighting to make our neighborhoods better places ...
    votemujibrahman.com/ - Cached - Similar -
  10. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Pakistan East Mujib Bangladesh Declared

    Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (also Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib; March 17, ... Using this as a power base, Sheikh Mujib rallied for greater autonomy for East Pakistan ...
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  11. Wadi Mujib

    Wadi Mujib Reserve was established in 1987. It is located at the eastern shore of the Dead Sea and covers 220 square kilometers. ...
    www.jordanjubilee.com/outdoors/wadimujib.htm - Cached - Similar -
  12. Timeline results for Mujib

    1971
    Suspecting Mujib of secessionist politics, Yahya in March 1971 postponed indefinitely the convening of the National Assembly. Mujib in return accused ...
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    1975
    On August 15, 1975, Mujib was assassinated along with his family by a group of military officers. It is believed that the plot was masterminded by ...
    en.wikipedia.org
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Cheering supporters carry a portrait of the country's independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman outside the Dhaka central jail in Dhaka, Bangladesh, early 28 Jan 2010
Photo: AP

Cheering supporters carry a portrait of the country's independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman outside the Dhaka central jail in Dhaka, Bangladesh, early 28 Jan 2010




I visited Tussi`s maternal Home near Kalyani some years back where I met a House Wife, apparently Hindu belonging to Namoshudra Community in a Marriage ceremony. I would Never forget the first Meeting with an Ordinary woman from Bangladesh Current as we were reading so many things related to Political situation as well as the Persecution of Minority Hindu since Taslima Nasrin and Salam Azad exiled and the lies of Shahariar Kabir were writing on the conditions Pro Pak anti India, anti Hindu. We had been also fed by HRBCM website with Live details of ethnic cleansing.

The lady expired of CANCER some time later.

I had asked her,`How do you feel in Bangladesh as  Minority Hindu?'

The woman from Barishal had answered, `We do quite well. The Action taken in India has its routine REACTIONS, sometimes chain Reactions in bangladesh which creates troubles for us every time!'

Roy Choudharies were Zmaindar in Barishal. Recently the Family head Mahamahopadhyaya Roy Chowdhar died and it was something like National mourning. The Brahmin Family based in Dhaka as well as in Barishal has its share in Job as well as Power while the half of the family has migrated to India. The members of the family, Men and women , well settled in Bangladesh visit their relatives every year. I have written about my Friendship with Purbasha, a little girl from the family. They Never Complain Persecution but Complains about political Instability and the Follow up.



Five former army officers convicted of killing Bangladesh's founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, have been hanged. They were executed nearly 35 years after he was assassinated, in an army coup.


I am afraid of the Political Instability in Bangladesh which has always been the cause of further refugee Influx in India across the Border! It has been always the same since 1964 onwards. Sudha Ranjan Raha, elder brother of Chitaya Ranjan Raha returned from Dhaka recently where Raha and Mrs Raha visited their Relatives who are well settled in Government Job in Dhaka and Rajsahi. I have been meeting Hindu leaders who supported either Hasina or Khaleda so often and their Version seems to be always different from the Version of so called Friends of India who get much Favour in India. I have been interacting with my friends in Bangladesh , Hindus as well as Muslim, who do fight for Democracy, Bangla Nationality and Human Rights, they have no RESPECT for those whom we do respect so much so!


Rather these People helped to sustain continuous Refugee Influx from Bangladesh as the Ruling Brahaminical Hegemony use them as Demography Shift able and Movable for Power Politics Equation and sustain the Manusmriti hegemony in India. The Ruling Hegemonies in Bangladesh and India had been NEVER interested to solve the Problem of refugee influx or the Said Persecution of Minorities in Bangladesh. Indian Citizenship act has been Changed, Modified Unconstitutionally and Unique Identity Number project targets the Resettled partition victims for Displacement and Deportation. But even in India Friendly Hasina`s recent India Visits there had been at least no Official interactions on these two Vital Issues which makes Bengal, entire North east and the rest of India so RESTLESS and national Security Threat with anti Muslim anti refugee Anti dalit hate Campaign continues Full swing to Manufacture Economic ethnic cleansing NOT in Bangladesh, But Right into the Heart of India!


Five former army officers convicted of killing Bangladesh's founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, have been hanged. They were executed nearly 35 years after he was assassinated, in an army coup.  

The five men were executed in the early hours of Thursday in Dhaka Central jail, as hundreds of police and security forces stood guard outside.

With hundreds of people jamming the streets outside demanding their execution, five ex-army officers, who assassinated Bangladesh's founder president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 35 years ago, were hanged shortly after midnight at the central jail here.


The execution of the five men, who were all at least in their 60s, took just 40 minutes though the process of bringing them to the gallows took 35 years since they assassinated the Bangabandhu along with most members of his family in a coup on August 15, 1975.


Mujibur Rahman was killed along with his wife and three sons, including 10-year-old Russel. His daughters, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her younger sister Sheikh Rehana, survived the carnage as they were abroad at the time of the incident.


Ex-Lieutenant Colonel Mohiuddin Ahmed and former Major Bazlul Huda were hanged first as the execution process started late last night while ex-Lieutenant Colonel Syed Faruq Rahman was the third to be executed minutes later.


Former lieutenant colonels Shahriar Rashid Khan and AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed were the last to walk to the gallows.


The five death convicts were hanged hours after the Supreme Court rejected their review plea, jail officials said.


The bodies were handed over to their relatives.


Hundreds of onlookers crowded the streets outside the jail with many chanting slogans demanding their execution.



Roads outside the prison were closed to traffic. The executions took place the night after the Supreme Court dismissed their appeals for a review of the death sentence.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was gunned down, along with several members of his family, in an army coup in 1975 - four years after Bangladesh won independence from Pakistan.  Mr. Rahman, who led the country's freedom struggle, was its first president. 

The five men executed did not deny their role in his death, but were given immunity for two decades by subsequent governments which benefited from the coup.

Their trial only began in 1996, after their immunity was revoked by a government led by the assassinated leader's daughter, Sheikh Hasina.

The chief state attorney, Mahbubey Alam, says the executions have finally pulled the curtains down on one of history's most gruesome killings.

Dozens of supporters of the ruling Awami League party - which Sheikh Mujibur Rahman helped found - held placards in Dhaka saying "Justice at Last."

A top leader of the Awami league party, Abdul Jalil, says the executions show that nobody can escape the law.

"Maybe it is delayed, but any person committing crime in the society of Bangladesh will be found out and will be brought to justice," he said.

The five men were sentenced to death in 1998. But various appeals delayed the death sentence. However, Sheikh Hasina vowed to complete the trial when she returned as the country's prime minister, last year. 

Bangladesh's short history has been marred with political violence, deep political rivalry between its main parties and spells of rule by army generals during which democracy has been suspended. The present government, led by Sheikh Hasina, came to power after the country was under an emergency administration for almost two years. 


Taliban Dismiss London Conference on Afghanistan

VOA News

The Taliban are warning that a meeting in London on Thursday will do nothing to help Afghanistan.

A statement posted on a Taliban Web site Wednesday dismissed the one-day international donor conference as a "waste of time."

Ministers from more than 60 countries are expected to discuss ways to defeat the Taliban and stabilize the country.  Afghan President Hamid Karzai has also been trying to raise support for his plan to convince Taliban fighters to lay down their arms. 

The Karzai plan has already won the backing of some key Western powers, including the United States.

But the Taliban statement said such a plan will fail because Taliban militants will not give up their cause in exchange for financial or economic incentives.

On Tuesday, a United Nations Security Council committee removed five former senior Taliban officials from its international terrorist "blacklist."

A U.N. statement said all five were high-ranking members of the former Taliban government but will no longer be subject to international travel bans, asset freezes and arms embargoes.

The Afghan government has been calling for an easing of U.N. sanctions on Taliban fighters who renounce violence and agree to support the government.

Afghan President Hamid Karzai has warned that military action alone cannot stabilize his country. 

During a meeting in Berlin Wednesday with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Mr. Karzai said Afghanistan wants to gradually reduce the burden on its international partners.

The United States and other countries have more than 100,000 troops in Afghanistan, with additional forces on the way.

Some information for this report was provided by AFP, AP and Reuters.



Bangladesh hangs killers of independence leader Mujib

Mujibur Rahman
Mr Rahman was the father of current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina

Bangladesh has executed five ex-army officers convicted of killing the country's independence leader in 1975.

The men killed Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the president's wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law and approximately 20 others as part of a military coup.

Only hours earlier the Bangladeshi law minister had announced that they would be executed by Sunday but could be "hanged at any moment".

The five were executed on Wednesday in the Dhaka prison where they were held.

The men did not deny their role in the death of Mr Rahman, but had said they should be tried in a military rather than a civilian court.

The Supreme Court had dismissed their appeals to commute the sentence, paving the way for a date to be set for execution, AFP reported earlier.

Mr Rahman was killed in 1975, just four years after leading Bangladesh to independence from Pakistan.

SHEIKH MUJIBUR KILLING
March 1971: Sheikh Mujibur announces breakaway from East Pakistan and establishment of Bangladesh
August 1975: Sheikh Mujibur is killed in a coup
November 1998: Dhaka court orders execution of 15 for his killing. Three later acquitted
Oct 2001: Trial halts after Khaleda Zia elected prime minister
August 2007: Sheikh Mujibur's murder case resumes
November 2009: Supreme Court rejects appeals by five ex-army officers accused of killing
January 2010: Supreme Court dismisses five ex-army officers' final appeals

Six fellow plotters, on the run abroad, have also been sentenced to death. A seventh man also found guilty in absentia is thought to have died abroad.

The government the majors helped install passed a law indemnifying their actions and until 1998 they were free men.

But by then Sheikh Hasina, Mr Rahman's daughter, had herself become prime minister and the accused were put on trial, found guilty and sentenced to death.

She lost the following elections, and the next government, led by the party which ultimately benefited from the coup, slowed the process down.

But Sheikh Hasina returned to power a year ago, and made the conclusion of the trial one of her top priorities.


UPDATE:All detained Bangabandhu killers executed after Wednesday midnight
Five coffins were brought to the jail to carry the bodies

Five detained killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were executed at Dhaka Central Jail shortly after Wednesday midnight. Mohiuddin Ahmed (artillery) was first to be executed at 12:05am and then four others walked to the gallows one after another.   FULL STORY

5 former army officers executed in Dhaka Central Jail for Bangabandhu assassination
The bodies in coffin in ambulance were brought out from the jail one after another and left for their respective homes

Dhaka, Jan 28 (UNB) - Five former army officers were hanged to death in Dhaka Central Jail on Wednesday midnight for the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman along with his family members 35 years ago.Those hanged one after another since one-minute past midnight are Lt Col (sacked) Syed Faruque Rahman, Lt Col (retd) Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Lt Col (retd) Muhiuddin Ahmed (Artillery), Maj (retd) AKM Mohiuddin Ahmed (Lancer) and Maj (retd) Bazlul Huda.   FULL STORY

Bangabandhu Murder Case-Gallows by Jan 31
Decides govt after review petitions dismissed by SC; Farooq's last minute mercy plea turned down

The five detained convicts in Bangabandhu assassination case will be executed any time within January 31 as the Appellate Division yesterday dismissed their petitions to review the death penalties. The government decided on the timeframe following the dismissal, which paved the way for executing the five killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members.(The Daily Star)   FULL STORY

Forgery near-perfect
Investigators suspect Bangladesh Bank links in making fake currencies

Gangs involved in making counterfeit currency are so close to perfection that it is almost impossible for the general mass to identify a forged note from the original. These gangs no longer print a particular number on the notes of the same denomination.(The Daily Star)   FULL STORY

Chronology of the trial
December 27 — A Appellate Division rejected the review petitions filed by the five convicts

August 15, 1975 - Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is killed along with most of his family members in a predawn putsch September 26, 1975 - Indemnity Ordinance is promulgated by self-proclaimed president Khon-dker Mushtaque Ahmed to block the killings.(The News Today)   FULL STORY

Sohel returns from US amid confusion over his status
On Sept 10, in his absence from Bangladesh, Sohel was included in the parliamentary standing committee on foreign affairs

Tanjim Ahmed, MP, whose public comments and dramatic resignation from state minister for home affairs last year sparked wide media speculations and political confusion, returned home yesterday from the United States after seven months.(The Independent)   FULL STORY

Santu Larma escapes gun attack
The criminals fired several shots on his motorcade

The Chairman of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Regional Council, Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, popularly known as Santu Larma, narrowly escaped gun attacks in the Lemuchhari area under Mohalchhari upazila in Khagrachhari district today.(The independent)   FULL STORY

Trapped Haitian rescued after 12 days of quake
The January 12 quake killed at least 150,000 people in the Caribbean nation

Stunned rescuers wrenched a survivor from the rubble after 12 days entombed in Haiti's quake-ravaged capital, where desperate crowds clamoured yesterday for more and quicker relief.(Afp, Port-au-prince)   FULL STORY
Bangladesh sitting on HIV time-bomb
Poverty ridden women, who engage in sex work, become more vulnerable to HIV/AIDS and STD as sex buyers show reluctance to use condom

Bangladesh is sitting on a HIV time bomb that is ticking unheard in our midst. The bomb may be ticking very slowly now but could explode in near future, according to HIV/Aids experts. (The New Nation )   FULL STORY

  National
Farooq, Shahriar buried
Hangmen brought in jail-President rejects 4th clemency plea
CID asked to submit probe report by Mar 10-Peelkhana carnage case
53 waterways to be dredged-PM tells JS policy underway to stop river pollution, illegal sand extraction
Face impacts of climate change unitedly: PM
Use scientific method to cleanse Buriganga: DoE
PM urges CIRDAP member countries to face impact of climate change
Santu Larma's motorcade comes under attack in Khagrachari
Hasina warns of action against harming environment
Experts for SAARC efforts to contain human trafficking
Scores throng jail gate after SC verdict
Steps taken to protect forests, hills: PM
Business & Economy
 
Govt to survey Dhaka, nearby buildings
Revision of land prices, registration fees likely
Tepid response to gas holiday staggering
BPC wants to utilise Tk 3,475cr idle money
'Branchless banking' turning a reality in Bangladesh
DSE experiences record turnover
Export drops 6.74pc in first four months
Forex reserve stands at $ 10,118.24 m
Govt. to appeal to HC requesting extension of directives to set up ETP for one year: Barua
Toyota keen to invest in EPZs
20.31 mmcfd gas saved on first day
Probe move pulls down Dhaka stocks
  Politics
Bangabandhu's killers hanged: Executions in Dhaka Central Jail: Mercy prayers rejected
4th Amend't was worse than martial law: Moudud
5 executed-Review pleas in Bangabandhu murder case rejected
BCL activists abduct college principal
Sohel Taj back from US
Relatives meet Mujib-killers in jail-Execution by Jan 31: Shafique
BNP asks partymen to get ready for agitation
Sohel Taj given protocol of state minister
BNP rally in city: Vow to launch tougher movement
BNP showdown gives signal for movement
Hearing deferred again-Orphanage trust case
Engr Mosharraf, 8 others cleared of charges
Regional & International
 
Lanka president wins re-election
NASA radar to study Haiti earthquake faults
British invasion of Iraq was illegal: Ex-govt lawyer
Lanka opposition complains of numerous polls violations
Zardari slaughters goats to ward off evil
China issues warning over US arms sales to Taiwan
Iran leader predicts destruction of Israel
We'll see Israel's destruction one day, says Khamenei
Malaysia arrests 10 suspects in anti-terror swoop
5 Taliban officials removed from sanctions list: UN
NASA ends effort to free rover from Martian sand
WHO defends swine flu handling
  ICT News
ICT conference kicks off
ITU urged to help make Digital Bangladesh
Teletalk to offload 25pc shares thru IPO
Teletalk to offload 25pc shares thru IPO
E-centre to be launched in 8,084 post offices
Plan to introduce e-centre in all post offices
Banglalink to raise Tk 425cr in bonds
Free internet for schools, colleges on the cards
GP nominated for global mobile award
District info offices to be developed as info hubs
Are random hackers invincible?
Attackers on Google workers insider 'friends'
Local & District News
 
Man-eater still at large
RMG workers shot dead in Gazipur
20 hurt as students, police clash at JnU
Cold wave and fog dash farmers' hopes
KMP updating list of crime suspects
Dockers threaten to lay siege to Ctg port Jan 31
Sports ministry wants Dhaka schools closed during SA Games
Woman, two daughters jump under train, die
4 killed in road accidents
Six hurt as cops, crime suspects trade shots in Cox's Bazar
Helpless mother keeps hapless boy in chains
Fishing cat beaten to death


http://www.bangladesh-web.com/

Bangladesh–India relations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Bangladesh-India relations
India   Bangladesh
Map indicating location of India and Bangladesh
     India      Bangladesh

Both Bangladesh and India are part of what is known as the Indian subcontinent and have had a long common cultural, economic and political history. The cultures of the two countries are similar; in particular Bangladesh and India's states West Bengal and Tripura are all Bengali-speaking. However, since the partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947, India emerged as an independent state and Bangladesh (as East Bengal, later rename to East Pakistan in 1956) was allocated as a part of Pakistan. Following the bloody Liberation War of 1971, Bangladesh gained its independence and established relations with India. The political relationship between India and Bangladesh has passed through cycles of hiccups. The relationship typically becomes favorable for Bangladesh during periods of Awami League government[1]. Relations are currently improving after Bangladesh's clampdown on anti-Indian terrorist groups on its soil, such as the United Liberation Front of Assam, Bangladesh's Prime Minister's Sheikh Hasina's state visit to India in January 2010, and continued dialogue over the controversial Farakka Barrage.

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Historical background

During the Partition of India after independence in 1947, the Bengal region was divided into two: East Bengal (present-day Bangladesh) and West Bengal. East Bengal was made a part of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan due to the fact that both regions had an overwhelmingly large Muslim population, more than 86%. In 1955, the government of Pakistan changed its name from East Bengal to East Pakistan.

There were some confrontations between the two regions though. Firstly, in 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared that only Urdu would the sole official language of the entire nation, though more than 95% of the East Bengali population spoke Bengali. And when protests broke out in Bangladesh on February 21, 1952, Pakistani police fired on the protesters, killing hundreds. Secondly, East Bengal/East Pakistan was allotted only a small amount of revenue for its development out of the Pakistani national budget. Therefore, a separatist movement started to grow in the isolated province. When the main separatist party the Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won 167 of 169 seats up for grabs in the 1970 elections and got the right to form the government, the Pakistan president under Yahya Khan refused to recognize the election results and arrested Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This led to widespread protests in East Pakistan and in 1971, the Liberation War, followed by the declaration (by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March 1971) of the independent state of Bangladesh.

India under Indira Gandhi fully supported the cause of the Bangladeshis and its troops and equipment were used to fight the Pakistani forces. The Indian Army also gave full support to the main Bangladeshi guerrilla force, the Mukti Bahini. Finally, on 26 March 1971, Bangladesh emerged as an independent state. Since then, there have been several issues of agreement as well as of dispute.

[edit] Areas of agreement

  1. India played a central role in the independence of Bangladesh. About 250,000 Indian soldiers fought for, and 20,000 losing their lives for the cause of an independent Bangladesh. India sheltered over 10 million refugees who were fleeing the atrocities of the occupying West Pakistan Army. India and its ally Bhutan were the first countries to recognize Bangladesh as an independent nation. Bangladeshis have some awareness of their obligation and gratitude towards India.
  2. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's first foreign visit as Prime Minister and the Founding Father of the newly born nation was to India and it was then decided Indo-Bangladesh relations would be guided by principles of democracy, socialism, nonalignment and opposition to colonialism and racism. Indira Gandhi too visited Bangladesh in 1972 and assured that India would never interfere in the internal affairs of the country.
  3. In 1972, both the countries signed a 'Treaty of Friendship and Peace'. An Indo-Bangladesh Trade Pact was also signed.
  4. The mainstream party Awami League is generally considered to be friendly towards India[1].

[edit] Areas of contention

  1. A major area of contention has been the construction and operation of the Farakka Barrage by India to increase water supply in the river Hoogly. Bangladesh insists that it does not receive a fair share of the Ganga waters during the drier seasons, and gets flooded during the monsoons when India releases excess waters.
  2. There have also been disputes regarding the transfer of Teen Bigha Corridor to Bangladesh. Part of Bangladesh is surrounded by the Indian state of West Bengal. On 26 June 1992, India leased three bigha land to Bangladesh to connect this enclave with mainland Bangladesh. There is dispute regarding the indefinite nature of the lease.
  3. Terrorist activities carried out by outfits based in both countries, like Banga Sena and Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami.[2][3] Recently India and Bangladesh had agreed to jointly fight terrorism.[4]
  4. The Sharing of Ganges Waters was also a matter of dispute.

[edit] References

[edit] See also

[show]
Bangladesh Foreign relations of Bangladesh


Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান


In office
April 11, 1971 – January 12, 1972
Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad
Preceded by Position created
Succeeded by Syed Nazrul Islam (acting)
Abu Sayeed Chowdhury

In office
January 12, 1972 – January 24, 1975
President Abu Sayeed Chowdhury
Mohammad Mohammadullah
Preceded by Tajuddin Ahmad
Succeeded by Muhammad Mansur Ali

In office
January 25, 1975 – August 15, 1975
Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad
Preceded by Mohammad Mohammadullah
Succeeded by Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad

Born March 17, 1920(1920-03-17)
Tungipara, Faridpur District, British India
Died August 15, 1975 (aged 55)
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Nationality Bengali
Political party Awami League
BAKSAL
Religion Sunni Islam
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Alternate name(s): Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal)
Movement: Bengali Language Movement
Six point movement
Bangladesh Independence Movement
Notable prizes: Julio Curie Peace Medal[1]

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Bengali: শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান Shekh Mujibur Rôhman) (March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali politician and the founding leader of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, generally considered in the country as the father of the Bangladeshi nation. He headed the Awami League, served as the first President of Bangladesh and later became its Prime Minister. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, "Friend of Bengal"). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh.

A student political leader, Mujib rose in East Pakistani politics and within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate of socialism, Mujib became popular for his leadership against the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis. He demanded increased provincial autonomy, and became a fierce opponent of the military rule of Ayub Khan. At the heightening of sectional tensions, Mujib outlined a 6-point autonomy plan, which was seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly conspiring with the Indian government but was not found guilty. Despite leading his party to a major victory in the 1970 elections, Mujib was not invited to form the government.

After talks broke down with President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Sheikh Mujib on 26 March 1971 announced the declaration of independence of East Pakistan and announced the establishment of the sovereign People's Republic of Bangladesh.[2][3][4] Subsequently he was arrested and tried by a military court during his nine month detention. Guerrilla war erupted between government forces and Bengali nationalists aided by India. An all out war between the Pakistan Army and Bangladesh-India Joint Forces led to the establishment of Bangladesh, and after his release Mujib assumed office as a provisional president, and later prime minister. Even as a constitution was adopted, proclaiming socialism and a secular democracy, Mujib struggled to address the challenges of intense poverty and unemployment, coupled with rampant corruption. Amidst rising popular agitation, he banned other political parties and established a one party state. After only seven months, Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family by a group of army officers.


Contents

[hide]

[edit] Early life

Mujib, a student leader in 1949

Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal,[5] to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, a serestadar, an officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. In 1929, Rahman entered into class three at Gopalganj Public School, and two years later, class four at Madaripur Islamia High School.[6] However, Mujib was withdrawn from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery.[citation needed] At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa. She gave birth to their two daughters—Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana—and three sons—Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel.[6]

Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940.[7] He enrolled at the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College), a well-respected college affiliated to the University of Calcutta to study law and entered student politics there. He joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943 and grew close to the faction led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading Bengali Muslim leader.[citation needed] During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan and in 1946 he was elected general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India.[8]

On his return to East Bengal, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League and became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the ideal solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions.[citation needed] On January 26, 1949 the government announced that Urdu would officially be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests and undertook a hunger strike for 13 days.[citation needed] Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Pakistan, mainly Bengalis, would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, agitation broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with his colleagues by police on March 11.[9][10] The outcry of students and political activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organize the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights.[5]

[edit] Early political career

Sheikh Mujib, 1950

Mujib launched his political career, leaving the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Pakistan unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Pakistani and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation.[citation needed] In 1951, Mujib began organising protests and rallies in response to the killings by police of students who had been protesting against the declaration of Urdu as the sole national language. This period of turmoil, later to be known as the Bengali Language Movement, saw Mujib and many other Bengali politicians arrested. In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954.[citation needed] Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture, Mujib was briefly arrested for organizing a protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry. He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.[5] During a speech in the assembly on the proposed plan to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamated West Pakistan and East Pakistan with a powerful central government, Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question:

"Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of one unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite."[11]

In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid, but resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organization.[citation needed] When General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law in 1958, Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961.[5] After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders in order to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan and to work for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.[10]

==Mahboob Ahmed Chana== Channa Family

Mujib with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, 1949

Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.[citation needed] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralized power and merged the provinces.[12] Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.[10] In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the military against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime.[13] Despite forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military.[citation needed] There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.[citation needed]

Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore,[5] in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.[12] According to his plan:

  1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
  2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
  3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
  4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
  5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
  6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.

Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6 point movement — recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.[citation needed] Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly-veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.[citation needed]

Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[5] The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charged and unconditionally released Mujib. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.[citation needed]

Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On December 5, 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":

"There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan."[10]

Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasized the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory — the case upon which Pakistan had been created — by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation.[14] Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (literally meaning "Friend of Bengal" in Bengali).[citation needed]

[edit] 1970 elections and independence

Also see: This time the struggle is for our freedom

Sheikh Mujib with Maulana Bhashani in a protest march

A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan in 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. The subsequent period exposed extreme outrage and unrest over the perceived weak and ineffective response of the central government.[citation needed] Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent.[citation needed] The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain.[citation needed] The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and military of Pakistan.[citation needed] In the elections held in December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but 2 of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.[5]

The election result revealed a polarisation between the two wings of Pakistan, with the largest and most successful party in the West being the Pakistan Peoples Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy.[citation needed] Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government, demanding his party's inclusion. There was also widespread opposition in the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties to Mujib becoming Pakistan's prime minister.[citation needed] And even though neither Mujib nor the League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.[citation needed]

Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly — a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge.[citation needed] It was on March 7, 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka.[citation needed]

"The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated...Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have."[citation needed]

Following a last ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists.[citation needed] The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib declared Bangladesh's independence at midnight on March 26, 1971:[10][15]

"This may be my last message; from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours."

Leaflets and pamphlets used to drive public opinion for independent Bangladesh used Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the iconic character.

Mujib was arrested and moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur). Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries.[citation needed] Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public.[16].

The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.[17] With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. It targeted Bengali and non-Bengali Hindus across the region, and throughout the year large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura.[18] The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him. Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. His son Sheikh Kamal was a key officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka.

Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on January 8, 1972. He was then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath and addressed the international media. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force plane given by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was given a festive look as Mujib and Indira addressed a huge crowd where he publicly expressed his gratitude to Indira Gandhi and the "the best friends of my people, the people of India. From New Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport.

[edit] Governing Bangladesh

Historic speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 7, 1971

Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmad following a controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during Mujib's incarceration.[citation needed] The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17.[10] Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women. The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.[citation needed] There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.[citation needed]

After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement.[citation needed] He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.[10] He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel.[19] Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[20] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. The two governments remained in close cooperation during Mujib's lifetime.[20]

He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism."[20] Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[21] Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[22] A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.[5] He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[23]

Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct.[24] He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.[24] Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.[24] In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims.[24]

In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 1.5 million Bangladeshi people from hunger. TheBangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent against Mujib's government. Bangladeshi people feel ashamed, insulted and demoralised as a nation for this famine that was not due to a food crisis but, according to Amartya Sen, but due instead to the lack of governance and democratic practices.

[edit] BAKSAL

Sheikh Mujib addresses the foundation meeting of BAKSAL.

Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[21] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.[25] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[20] A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy.[5] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[21]

Political unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response, Mujib began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Mujib was declared "president for life," and given extraordinary powers.[20][26] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL.[5] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.[26][27] The militia and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights.[20] The underground opposition to Mujib's political regime intensified under the clout of dissatisfaction and the government's inability to deal with national challenges and the dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi army.[citation needed]

[edit] Assassination

Sheikh Mujib's body after the assassination

On August 15, 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family and personal staff.[5][20] Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, escaped. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh.[28] The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot.[29] Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.[30]

Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.[26] Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted Mujib's assassination and overthrow. Ziaur Rahman and Hossain Mohammad Ershad reversed the state's commitment to secularism and socialism, as well as most of Mujibur Rahman's signature policies.[citation needed]

In exile, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League. She returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981 and led popular opposition to the military regime of President Ershad.[citation needed] In the elections following the restoration of democracy in 1991, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the opposition and in 1996, she won the elections to become Bangladesh's prime minister. Revoking the Indemnity Ordinance, an official murder case was lodged and an investigation launched. In 1998, Colonel Syed Faruq Rahman and 14 others were convicted and sentenced to death for their involvement in the assassination.[5][31] Three individuals were later acquitted, while five others in custody – Syed Faruq Rahman, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Bazlul Huda, Shahriar Rashid Khan, and A. K. M. Mohiuddin Ahmed – submitted appeals to the Supreme Court of Bangladesh to commute the sentence. Their final appeals to the Supreme Court were dismissed, and the men were executed on 28 January 2010 in Dhaka Central Jail. Seven fugitives remain at-large abroad.[32]

[edit] Criticism and legacy

The Bangabandhu Square Monument

The Pakistani leadership in 1971 was considered by some observers and governments to be fighting to keep the country united in face of violent secessionist activities led by Mujib. Indian support for the Mukti Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community of nations.[14][33] Some historians argue that the conflicts and disparities between East and West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the League and that secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and human resources.[33] The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticised Mujib and many nations did not recognise Bangladesh until after his death.[33] In a secret government affidavit, Yahya Khan stated:

It was Bhutto, not Mujib, who broke Pakistan. Bhutto's stance in 1971 and his stubbornness harmed Pakistan's solidarity much more than Sheikh Mujib's six-point demand. It was his high ambitions and rigid stance that led to rebellion in East Pakistan. He riled up the Bengalis and brought an end to Pakistan's solidarity. East Pakistan broke away.[34]

Several historians regard Mujib as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader who galvanised the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing the country.[26] During his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious leaders and politicians intensely criticized Mujib's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and the military, who feared Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and become a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs.[22] Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition alienated large segments of the population and derailed Bangladesh's experiment with democracy for many decades.[14][20]

Following his death, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujib, and his public image was restored only with the election of an Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 1996. August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning Day," mainly by Awami League supporters.[10] He remains the paramount icon of the Awami League, which continues to profess Mujib's ideals of socialism. Mujib is widely admired by scholars and in Bengali communities in India and across the world for denouncing the military rule and ethnic discrimination that existed in Pakistan, and for leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty.[31] In a 2004 poll conducted on the worldwide listeners of BBC's Bengali radio service, Mujib was voted the "Greatest Bengali of All Time" beating out Rabindranath Tagore and others.[35]

[edit] See also

[edit] Notes

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  1. ^ Bishwas, Sukumar (2005). Japan-Bangladesh relations, 1972-1990. Dhaka: Mowla Brothers. p. 93. ISBN 9844104351. 
  2. ^ http://muktadhara.net/page23.html
  3. ^ http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=93650
  4. ^ http://www.albd.org/autoalbd/images/stories/compile/2006/dia/dia_letter.jpg
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Rashid, Harun-or. "Rahman, (Bangabandhu) Sheikh Mujibur". Banglapedia. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/R_0022.htm. Retrieved 2006-07-06. 
  6. ^ a b Kādira, Muhāmmada Nūrula (2004). Independence of Bangladesh in 266 days: history and documentary evidence. Dhaka: Mukto Publishers. p. 440. ISBN 9843208587. 
  7. ^ Ahmad, Syed Nur; Baxter, Craig; Ali, Mahmud (1985). From martial law to martial law: politics in the Punjab, 1919–1958. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. p. 338. ISBN 086531845X. 
  8. ^ Zillur Rahman Khan, The Third World charismat: Sheikh Mujib and the struggle for freedom, page 32, University Press Limited, Dhaka, 1996, ISBN 9840513532
  9. ^ Sukumar Bishwas, Bangladesh liberation war, Mujibnagar government documents, 1971, page 167, Mawla Brothers, Dhaka, 2005, ISBN 9844104343
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h "Political Profile of Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman". Bangladesh Awami League. http://www.albd.org/bangabandhu/bangabandhu.htm. Retrieved 2006-07-06. 
  11. ^ Official Report, Debates, page 296, Pakistan Constituent Assembly, 1955
  12. ^ a b M. Rashiduzzaman, The Awami League In The Political Development of Pakistan (2006-07-07). "Awami League". http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687(197007)10%3A7%3C574%3ATALITP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  13. ^ G. W. Choudhury, Bangladesh: Why It Happened (2006-07-07). "Bengali nationalism". http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0020-5850(197204)48%3A2%3C242%3ABWIH%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  14. ^ a b c Charles Kennedy, Craig Baxter (2006-07-11). "Governance and Politics in South Asia". http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=51259067. Retrieved 2006-07-11. 
  15. ^ "Pakistan: Toppling Over the Brink". Time Magazine. 1971-04-05. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,876897-1,00.html. Retrieved 2007-10-19. "The army ordered a strict 24-hour curfew in Dacca, with violators shot on sight. But soon the Free Bengal Revolutionary Radio Center, probably somewhere in Chittagong, crackled into life. Over the clandestine station. Mujib proclaimed the creation of the "sovereign independent Bengali nation," and called on its people to "resist the enemy forces at all costs in every corner of Bangla Desh." The defiant words, however, lacked military substance. At 1:30 a.m. the following day, soldiers seized the sheik in his home." 
  16. ^ Khalid, Adnan (2006). "An Honest Look at the Dhaka Debacle". http://www.nosecorrectionabroad.co.uk/nose_correction_news_SECOND_OPINION_An_honest_look_at_the_Dhaka_debacle_Khaled__id_1008.php. Retrieved 2006-01-27. "Brig Siddiqi, commenting on his latest book on the fall of East Pakistan, said that the morale of the Pakistani troops was extremely low in 1970-71, but General Rahimuddin had tried East Pakistan's charismatic leader Mujibur Rehman in Faisalabad. (General Yahya did not confirm it.)" 
  17. ^ Blood, Archer, Transcript of Selective Genocide Telex, Department of State, United States
  18. ^ US State Department, "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976", Volume XI, South Asia Crisis, 1971", Page 165
  19. ^ Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. USA: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 343. ISBN 0-395-73097-X. 
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. USA: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 388. ISBN 0-395-73097-X. 
  21. ^ a b c Shahzad Uddin, A Bangladeshi Soap Opera (2006-07-07). "Mujib's policies" (PDF). http://les.man.ac.uk/ipa97/papers/uddin103.pdf. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  22. ^ a b Rounaq Jahan, Bangladesh in 1972: Nation Building in a New State (2006-07-07). "Governance". http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687(197302)13%3A2%3C199%3ABI1NBI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  23. ^ UNESCAP, Integration of Poverty Alleviation and Social Sector Development into the Planning Process in Bangladesh (2006-07-07). "Mujib's policies" (PDF). http://www.unescap.org/drpad/publication/ldc6_2174/chap4.PDF. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  24. ^ a b c d Raman, B. (2006-08-29). "Mujib and Islam" (PHP). http://www.saag.org/papers3/paper232.html. Retrieved 2006-08-29. 
  25. ^ Mohammad Habibur Rahman, Decentralization and Access: Theoretical Framework and Bangladesh Experience (2006-07-07). Decen and Access (Joint-Asian).pdf "Party democracy" (PDF). http://www.yorku.ca/ycar/papers/MUJIB Decen and Access (Joint-Asian).pdf. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  26. ^ a b c d Maniruzzaman, Talukder, "Bangladesh in 1975: The Fall of the Mujib Regime and Its Aftermath," Asian Survey, 16, No. 2, February 1976, 119–29.
  27. ^ Country Studies, Bangladesh (2006-09-12). "Mujib's fall". http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/19.htm. Retrieved 2006-09-12. 
  28. ^ Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. USA: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 389. ISBN 0-395-73097-X. 
  29. ^ "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman". 2006-07-07. http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/aug172005/national1941362005816.asp. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  30. ^ Lifschultz L. The long shadow of the August 1975 coup. The Daily Star. Vol. 5 Number 434. Available at: http://www.thedailystar.net/2005/08/15/d5081501033.htm. Accessed on June 8, 2007.
  31. ^ a b "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman". 2006-07-07. http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1524/15240040.htm. Retrieved 2006-07-07. 
  32. ^ "Bangladesh hangs killers of independence leader Mujib". BBC News. 2010-01-27. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8483988.stm. Retrieved 28 January 2010. 
  33. ^ a b c Baxter, Craig (2006-07-11). "Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State". http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=27169589. Retrieved 2006-07-11. 
  34. ^ http://www.probenewsmagazine.com/index.php?index=2&contentId=5049
  35. ^ Listeners name 'greatest Bengali'. BBC. Retrieved 23-04-2008. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3623345.stm

[edit] References

  • William B.Milam, Pakistan and Bangladesh: Flirting with Failure(2009) ISBN 10:0231700660, Columbia University Press
  • Anthony Mascarenhas, Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood ISBN 0-340-39420-X
  • Katherine Frank, Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi (2002) ISBN 0-395-73097-X
  • M. Ahmed, Era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1983), University Press
  • Craig Baxter, Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State (1997), Westview Press
  • Craig Baxter et al., Governance and Politics in South Asia (1998), Westview Press

[edit] See also

[edit] External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Position created
President of Bangladesh
April 11, 1971 – January 12, 1972
Succeeded by
Abu Sayeed Chowdhury
Preceded by
Tajuddin Ahmed
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
January 12, 1972 – January 25, 1975
Succeeded by
Muhammad Mansur Ali
Preceded by
Mohammad Ullah
President of Bangladesh
January 25, 1975 – August 15, 1975
Succeeded by
Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad
[show]


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1 2 Next

SEE ALSO
Bangladesh officers lose appeal
19 Nov 09 |  South Asia
Bangladesh court rules on dispute
22 Jun 09 |  South Asia
Bangladesh to announce war probe
08 Apr 09 |  South Asia
Bangladesh war crimes stir tension
30 Jun 08 |  South Asia
Death penalty for Mujib assassins
30 Apr 01 |  South Asia
Timeline: Bangladesh
11 Jan 10 |  Country profiles

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Most popular now, in detail

Bitter legacy of Bangladeshi hero's killing

By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Dhaka

Cheering supporters carry a portrait of Mujibur Rahman outside the Dhaka central jail on Jan 28, 2010
Mr Rahman's supporters have had to wait a long time for this moment

In the end, in the dead of night, it all happened very quickly.

Five former soldiers, convicted of the killing of Bangladesh's independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were hanged just after midnight, hours after the Supreme Court had rejected their final appeal.

Their relatives were called in to Dhaka Central Jail for a last, rushed visit before the executions.

Later, they were allowed to collect the corpses and take them home in ambulances.

As the vehicles drove through the crowds, they were pelted with shoes, and some shouted that the bodies should not be buried on Bangladeshi soil.

Emotions are high. The supporters and surviving family members of the country's first prime minister, popularly known as Mujib, have had to wait a long time for this moment.

Life's mission

The coup leaders, a group of disillusioned, arrogant and ambitious junior officers, had him gunned down just before dawn on 15 August 1975.

They also killed his wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law and about 20 other relatives and supporters to prevent any of them from launching a counter-attack.

The military government they installed then gave them indemnity, some were later made diplomats, and the two ring leaders even formed their own political party and contested elections.

But Mujib's two daughters were out of the country at the time of the massacre and one of them, Sheikh Hasina, made it her life's mission to avenge the deaths.

She took on the reins of her father's Awami League party, and then became prime minister herself in 1996.

Mujibur Rahman
Mr Rahman was the father of current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina

She had the killers living in Bangladesh arrested and put on trial. Six others remain in hiding abroad.

The men were found guilty of Mujib's murder, but Hasina lost the next elections.

And the next government, led by the party which had ultimately benefitted from the coup, did little to pursue the case.

The Awami League, still led by Hasina, returned to power in 2009, and kick-started the appeals process, which finally ended this week.

For many Bangladeshis, who remain loyal to the memory of the man who won the country's independence from Pakistan in 1971, the guilty verdict, and these executions, correct a massive injustice.

"I am satisfied that at the end of the day justice has been delivered," Anisul Haq, the state's main lawyer in the case told the BBC.

"This gives us the assurance that whatever be the crime, and whoever be the criminal, justice will prevail."

History rewritten

This case, however, is to do with a lot more than justice. It has also to do with how Bangladesh's history is remembered and who can claim legitimacy to govern it in the future.

While Mujib's killers walked free, his role as the independence leader was steadily downplayed, and he was almost written out of the history text books.

Bangladesh's other main party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, instead promoted its founder, Zia Rahman, as the genuine father of the nation.

Ambulances leave the central prison with the dead bodies of the five killers of Mujibur Rahman on January 27, 2010
The families were allowed to take the bodies home in ambulances

He was number two in the army when Mujib was killed and later took over as dictator, before he too was assassinated.

His widow, Khaleda Zia, now leads the BNP.

As prime minister she, provocatively, would hold public celebrations for her birthday on 15 August, the day of Mujib's killing.

So, with the Awami League now back in power, the pendulum has swung and this time it is Zia's role which is under attack.

The text books have been rewritten and the Supreme Court ruled that no-one should contest that it was Mujib, rather than Zia, who declared independence.

Sections of the National Museum which dealt with Zia and the liberation war, in which he fought with distinction, were closed.

A mural of him at the main sports stadium was defaced, and the government announced plans to rename Dhaka's Zia International Airport.

Awami League supporters say that they are simply setting the record straight and that Mujib, who they call Bangabandhu - meaning friend of the Bengalis - is only now receiving the honours he deserved.

But this winner-takes-all approach means there is little room for a frank and honest debate of the past.

Divided culture

There is no mention, in public at least, of the fact that Mujib's government had become unpopular by the time of his death; accused of nepotism, corruption and tyranny.

Only those alive at the time remember those things, but most Bangladeshis were born afterwards and they get their history from whichever government is in power.

They certainly do not get it from the newspapers, which are close to the parties, and the best accounts of the periods are now out of print and only available in the second-hand book market.

Most Bangladeshis under the age of 40 are shockingly ill-informed about their country's past.

The coup plotters felt that Mujib had betrayed his people, but by killing him and his family they made things much worse.

The massacre plunged Bangladesh into a terrible cycle of coup and counter-coup which lasted for five years, and left the army in power until 1986.

It is partly thanks to them that Bangladesh has, to this day, such a poisonous and divided political culture.

So the execution of the five former officers might seem final, but the legacy of their appalling crimes remains very much alive today.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8484473.stm



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An online archive of chronology of events, documentations, audio, video, images, media reports and eyewitness accounts of the 1971 Genocide in Bangladesh in the hands of Pakistan army.

Role of India

pakistanis-in-bangladesh-surrender.jpg

The Role of Indian Army in Bangladesh Liberation War:

It is an obvious fact that Pakistan has been a traditional enemy of India. Consequently, it is not surprising that India took the opportunity of weakening Pakistan by supporting the Bangladesh liberation movement. From the month of September, the Indian army gradually started to participate directly in the Liberation War. Initially the support was limited to indirect fire support (artillery support) to Mukti Bahini units. From November, the Indian army was permitted to conduct operations up to 10 miles inside Bangladesh territory. This was to clear Pakistan army positions from the borders areas in preparation for the December war.

Prior to the involvement of the Indian army, the BSF was primarily responsible to provide support to Mukti Bahini units. They also assisted in the training of Multi Bahini. However, Indian army was not involved in the initial stages.

The final war in December was primarily fought by the Indian army units. The Mukti Bahini units were responsible to provide second tier support to the Indian formations. Take, for example, Akhaura. It was the Indian army that led the main attack. Our (Mukti Bahini) responsibility was to encircle the enemy so that they could not escape of reinforced.

The same thing happened at Ashuganj. It was the Indian army that was tasked the capture of Ashuganj and it was they who suffered the bulk of the casualties. I feel ashamed at our ungratefulness as a nation. Is it not possible to acknowledge the Indian martyrs during our victory celebrations—those who sacrificed their lives in the foreign soil of Bangladesh? Are we afraid that acknowledging Indian assistance will make our contributions less significant?

It is also a fact that a friend, over time, can become an enemy—an object of apprehension. Nevertheless, the contribution are history and cannot be changed.

I think the current generation must resist any attempts at distorting history.

- Shahzaman Mazumder, Bir Protik

India's involvement in Bangladesh Liberation War:

On 27 March 1971, the Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, expressed full support of her government to the Bangladeshi struggle for independence. The Bangladesh-India border was opened to allow the Bangladeshi Refugees safe shelter in India. The governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura established refugee camps along the border. Exiled Bangladeshi army officers and voluntary workers from India immediately started using these camps for the recruitment and training of Mukti Bahini guerrillas.

The refugee problem

As the violence in East Pakistan escalated, an estimated 10 million refugees fled to India, causing financial hardship and instability in the country. The United States, a long and close ally of Pakistan, promised to ship arms and supplies to West Pakistan.

Indira Gandhi launched a diplomatic offensive in the early autumn of 1971 touring Europe, and was successful in getting both the United Kingdom and France to break with the United States, and block any pro-Pakistan directives in the United Nations security council. Gandhi's greatest coup was on 9 August when she signed a twenty-year treaty of friendship and co-operation with the Soviet Union, greatly shocking the United States, and decreasing the possibility that the People's Republic of China would become involved in the conflict. China, an ally of Pakistan, had been providing moral support, but little military aid, and did not advance troops to its border with India.

Operation of the Mukti Bahini caused severe casualties to the Pakistani Army, which was in control of all district headquarters. As the flow of refugees swelled to a tide, the economic costs for India began to escalate. India began providing support including weapons and training for the Mukti Bahini.

Extracts from the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's address to the India League, London October 31, 1971:

"I do not want to say that the refugee problem is a small one-9,000,000 people can never be small, no matter where they are-and certainly to have 9,000,000 extra people at a time when you can ill afford to look after your own people is not an easy task. But the problem of Bangla Desh is not merely the problem of the refugees in India. It is a far deeper problem and one which affects us in many ways. The refugees have highlighted the problem for us in India because they have posed not only a tremendous economic burden, they have created social problems, political problems and, above all, the question of the security, the stability and the integrity of India. We are equally concerned with the tragedy which is taking place outside of our country. Rarely has the world witnessed the sort of atrocities and barbarities which we hear described by the refugees who are daily pouring in.

People have asked me how long can India manage? Actually that date has long since been passed. I feel that I am sitting on the top of a volcano and I honestly do not know when it is going to erupt. So the question is not of how restrained we are today, but of what will happen across the border. We think this is the responsibility of the international community to see that a way out is found. Obviously, the best way, the most humane way, is to have a political settlement and that political settlement can only be with the elected leader of the people of Bangla Desh, and with the elected and accepted representatives of that country."

Indian Support of Mukti Bahini Guerrillas

Initially, the Indians are likely to confine their actions to expressions of sympathy for and perhaps support to East Bengalis. They will watch closely for signs as to the strength and prospects for success on the part of East Bengal dissidents. If the evidence indicates to the Indians that the East Bengal independence movement has reasonably good prospects for success, the GOI may do any of several things: tolerate privately provided cross-border assistance to the East Bengalis. This assistance could range from propaganda support to weapons and explosives; permit East Bengal dissidents to use India as a refuge and to conduct cross-border activities from within India; covertly provide supplies, including weapons, and perhaps some training, to East Bengal dissidents. (Indian Reaction to Pakistan Events, Mar. 29, 1971)

In addition to its concern about the refugee problem, the GOI has been taking steps to support the Bengali struggle for independence in the face of the military successes of the Pakistan Army. The BSF has established camps at which 10,000 Bengalis are reportedly receiving training in guerrilla and sabotage tactics. Limited quantities of arms and ammunition continue to be provided to the Bengali separatists and some Indian forces have infiltrated into East Bengal to provide assistance and training to the separatists. (Contingency Study for Indo-Pakistan Hostilities, May 25, 1971)

Choudhury admitted that attacks by Mukti Bahini forces against police stations in rural areas seemed to be continuing at a high level but asserted that at least now police were fighting back rather than dropping their rifles and running. … Referring to Dacca, he said bombings and sabotage were a major headache for his forces. Recalling press item three days ago announcing capture of young Bengali carrying explosives, IG said man was part of three man team designated to disrupt SSC (matriculation) examinations. He said young man was found with impressive supply of grenades adn other explosive devices, all with Indian markings. Man admitted to membership BM and to having been trained at Argatala before undertaking mission. (Status of East Pak Police, July 23, 1971)

Two successive batches of insurgents have now completed training in India and have boosted number and quality of infiltrators. Number of Mukti Bahini have received training at Dehra Dun and been commissioned as officers. Additional numbers are now in training at various Indian centers. Meanwhile extremist elements including Naxalites have taken advantage of opportunity to step up their own activity, on the other hand, Hamid said, Mukti Bahini are not so successful as they would like to have people believe. (Conversation with Pak Army Chief of Staff: East Pak Situation, Aug. 11, 1971)

Acting Secretary Johnson called in Indian Ambassador Jha August 23 to discuss USG concerns about reports of GOI intention to step up its support to Mukti Bahini and to express USG hope that GOI could use its influence with Mukti Bahini to discourage and prevent attacks on relief facilities and personnel in East Pakistan. Jha in response indicated historical tradition of anarchic violence in Bengal and physical and poltiical difficulties which GOI would face if it tried disarm guerrillas. Jha stressed dangers of radicalization of Mukti Bahini. (Indian Support to Mukti Bahini, Aug. 12, 1971)

The Mukhti Bahini runs the day-to-day risks in the struggle against the Pakistan Government and now has more immediate contact with the people of East Bengal than the Bangladesh Government (Awami League), whose members are in India. Thus, the Mukhti Bahini might have been able to convince the Awami League of the need to broaden the BDG's base. Bangla Desh: A "National Liberation Front" Emerging? Sept. 21, 1971 (Image courtesy Paul Wolf)

They also portrayed 69 Indian-sponsored insurgent training camps bordering East Pakistan, with an estimated total of 30 – 50 thousand rebels in training. (Pak Military Intelligence Briefing for Congressman Frelinghuysen, Oct. 1, 1971)

Although India had not started the crisis, it was, for reasons of its own, supporting guerrilla activity in East Pakistan, even though this was denied. (Memorandum of Conversation with Foreign Secretary Douglas-Home (Great Britain), Oct. 3, 1971)

We now have specific report (Calcutta 2605 – protect source) to effect that Mukti Bahini plans to inject as many as 40,000 armed men across border by October 15, with additional 20,000 to follow by end October. This action reportedly would be accomplished with support diversionary actions by Indian Army to keep Pak Armed Forces off balance while infiltration took place. We are not convinced that intensified guerrilla activity will achieve results compatible with India's interests. (Risks of War in Indo-Pak Confrontation, Oct. 7, 1971)

Mukti Bahini (MB) sources informed Australian Deputy High Commissioner (protect) that MB has about 28,000 EBRS, EPRS, police, locally-recruited militia (Ansars) and veterans; 40,000 men in camps being trained for conventional war; and 35,000 men who have completed guerrilla training and are already active; latter reportedly supposedly scattered among 69 base camps and 100 sub-bases throughout province. (Pakistan Internal Situation, Oct. 9, 1971)

[I]nitially, insurgence was weak. Indians needed several months to train Mukhti Bahini. Mukhti Bahini have conducted border crossings, and we are satisfied there is active Indian involvement in Pakistan fighting. This is mixed operations, with about four times more Indians than Mukhti Bahini. Indians have publicly acknowledged their direct involvement during last 48 hours. Minister of Defense has said Indian troops are permitted to cross border and go far enough into East Pakistan to quell artillery. (India-Pakistan Briefing for Yugoslav, Nov. 30, 1971)

Indian military Intervention: December 3-December 16


Image Credit: Wikipedia

By November, war seemed inevitable; a massive buildup of Indian forces on the border with East Pakistan had begun. The Indian military waited for winter, when the drier ground would make for easier operations and Himalayan passes would be closed by snow, preventing any Chinese intervention. On 23 November, Yahya Khan declared a state of emergency in all of Pakistan and told his people to prepare for war.

On the evening of Sunday, 3 December, the Pakistani air force launched sorties on eight airfields in north-western India. This attack was inspired by the Arab-Israeli Six Day War and the success of the Israeli preemptive strike. At, 5:30 PM that day, General Yahya Khan ordered the Pakistan Air Force to bomb Indian Forward Airbases. Pakistan started flying sorties towards India within fifteen minutes of the order. Pakistan launched attacks against eight Indian airfields on the Western front including Agra which was 300 miles (480 km) from the border. These attacks could only achieve partial success. Unlike the Israeli attack on Arab airbases in 1967 which involved a large number of Israeli planes, Pakistan flew no more than 50 planes to India. Indian runways were non-functional for several hours after the attack. But these attacks gave India a good reason to launch an attack against Pakistan. India started flying sorties to Pakistan by midnight. On the Eastern front, the Indian Army joined forces with the Mukti Bahini to form the Mitro Bahini ("Allied Forces"); the next day the Indian forces responded with a massive coordinated air, sea, and land assault on the West Pakistani Army in East Pakistan.

Yahya Khan counter-attacked India in the West in an attempt to capture territory which might have been used to bargain for territory they expected to lose in the east. The land battle in the West was crucial for any hope of preserving a united Pakistan. The Pakistan Army faced a crushing defeat at Battle of Longewala, where a 2000-3000 strong assault force of the 51st Infantry Brigade of the Pakistani Army- backed by the 22nd Armoured Regiment was kept on hold by the Indian 'A' company of 120 odd soldiers of the 23rd Bn,Punjab Regiment.The Indian Army quickly responded to the Pakistan Army's movements in the west and made some initial gains, including capturing around 5,500 square miles (14,000 km²) of Pakistan territory (land gained by India in Pakistani Kashmir and the Pakistani Punjab sector were later ceded in the Shimla Agreement of 1972, as a gesture of goodwill).

At sea, the Indian Navy proved its superiority by the success of Operation Trident, the name given to the attack on Karachi's port. It also resulted in the destruction of 2 Pakistani destroyers and a minesweeper, and was followed by the similar Operation Python. The waters in the east were also secured by the Indian Navy. The Indian Air Force conducted 4,000 sorties in the west while its counterpart, the PAF put up little retaliation, partly because of the paucity of non-Bengali technical personnel. This lack of retaliation has also been attributed to the deliberate decision of the PAF High Command to cut its losses as it had already incurred huge losses in the conflict. In the east, the small air contingent of Pakistan Air Force No. 14 Sqn was destroyed resulting in Indian air superiority in the east. The entire campaign was a true blitzkrieg, exploiting weakness in the enemy's positions and bypassing opposition, resulting in a swift victory. Faced with insurmountable losses, the Pakistani military capitulated in just under a fortnight. On December 16, the Pakistani forces in East Pakistan surrendered. The next day India announced a unilateral ceasefire, to which Pakistan agreed.

India wasn't architect of Bangladesh

B. Raman, former deputy chief of India's external intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing, better known as RAW writes in his book 'The Kaoboys of RAW':

'India's role was more of a facilitator than a creator. It was a war jointly won by India and the people of East Pakistan'.

'Without the desire and the will of the people of Bangladesh, there would have been no Bangladesh. Their sacrifices for their cause were immense. How many were brutally killed by the Pakistan Army!

'How many Bengali intellectuals were massacred by the Pakistan Army and by terrorist organisations such as Al Badr and Al Shams created by the ISI! It is their sacrifice which laid the foundation for an independent Bangladesh.

What India did under the leadership of Indira Gandhi was to make sure that their sacrifices were not in vain. (Source)

Indian contributions:

The Longest Bridge During 1971 War

Two Engineer Regiments of Bengal Sappers constructed a 1384 feet long composite floating bridge comprising Bailey Pontoon and Folding Boat Equipment over the Madhumati River during Bangladesh Operations in 1971. This was the longest operational bridge ever built after World War II. Entire bridging equipment available in the Theatre was used up and the bridge was ready on 16 December 1971.

Interviews

Interview with Major General JFR Jacob, Indian army's eastern command:

* On when did India got involved in the liberation of Bangladesh: unofficially from April and officially, much later.

* The liberation fighters were trained by India from the 13th of April.

* On why was the Commander in Chief of the Bangladesh Army, General MAG Osmani, absent at the Pakistan Army surrender ceremony: The fact is, he was in Sylhet. He was in a helicopter that was shot at by the Pakistan army. So he couldn't attend the ceremony. It's not our fault. He should have been there. We wanted him there. Khondkar attended in his absence.

* The freedom fighters and the East Bengal Regiment, who with their limited resources fought a mighty regular army, earned the liberation of Bangladesh and it was their love for the country that made them victorious. We helped them, we were brothers in arms. But it was their fight, they fought it. They fought with passion and they achieved what they fought for.

Articles:

* Homage to a heroHaroon Habib, Dhaka Bangladesh

Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Arora, who passed away recently on 03 May 2005, is fondly remembered in Bangladesh for his role as the commander of the India-Bangladesh joint forces in the 1971 Liberation War.

* Indian Army battles and other links

* 1971 Hindu Genocide in East Pakistan

Indian Viewpoints

* Defeat by Deception: How Mr. Nixon and the USSR Stole India's 1971 Victory – Ravi Rikhye

* Indian artists such as Pandit Ravi Shankar and Suchitra Sen should be honored by Bangladesh

* East Pakistan Genocide1971 – A realist perspective – Nitin Pai

Source: Wikipedia, Bharat Rakshak

http://www.genocidebangladesh.org/?page_id=50

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