---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC <pmarc2008@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, Feb 23, 2010 at 8:50 PM
Subject: [PMARC] Dalits Media Watch - Exclusive: Front Line / 'Dalit unity is undermined'
To: Dalits Media Watch <PMARC@dgroups.org>
From: Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC <pmarc2008@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, Feb 23, 2010 at 8:50 PM
Subject: [PMARC] Dalits Media Watch - Exclusive: Front Line / 'Dalit unity is undermined'
To: Dalits Media Watch <PMARC@dgroups.org>
*Dalits Media Watch*
*Exclusive*
* *
* *
*Front Line*
* *
*'Dalit unity is undermined'*
http://www.frontline.in/stories/20100312270511700.htm
D. KARTHIKEYAN
*Interview with Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of
Edinburgh. *
In the recent past, there has been a lot of debate on the emergence of Dalit
parties in Tamil Nadu's political sphere on the basis of Dalit identity. A
larger identity constructed by the Dravidian movement has not only failed to
transcend caste identities but has also suppressed the Dalit question
through its hegemony. In this interview to *Frontline*, Hugo Gorringe,
Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Edinburgh and author of *Untouchable
Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratisation in Tamil Nadu* (Sage 2005),
talks about the emergence of Dalit movements, Dravidian hegemony and the
future of Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu.
Gorringe has written several articles on caste, violence, protest and
policing. He was in Madurai recently. Excerpts:
*How did the idea of doing research on a Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu
evolve? *
My father worked in the Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary (TTS) in Madurai, so
I grew up in Tamil Nadu between the ages of 4 and 11. During these years, I
was able to make good friends. After we left, I had the opportunity to visit
Madurai once every three or four years to keep up the connection with my
friends, maintain my Tamil and meet people. The TTS is a place where Dalit
theology is very important and I was exposed to dialogues between Gandhi and
Ambedkar on untouchability as well as the social inequalities prevalent
here. For my bachelor's degree, I wrote a 10,000-word project about my
experience with Dalits in India. I thought that the project was easy to do
and also would give me opportunities to meet my friends.
During that project, though, I met more people and learned more about
persistent caste inequalities. Following up on that experience, and
realising that not much work had been done about Dalits and their movements
in English, I thought of filling that gap. That was how my PhD project came
about. Scholars like Michael Moffat (*An Untouchable Community in India:
Structure and Consensus*; Princeton University Press, 1979) had argued that
caste was based on structural consensus and that groups at the lower order
replicated the forms and relationships of those at the upper strata.
Others argue that the lower caste groups in fact fight against caste. The
situation has changed dramatically since Moffat's work was published, and
Dalit movements have mobilised across the State. I wanted to understand
these contemporary caste relations and chart the challenges to caste
hierarchy.
*How important was your PhD in developing your understanding of caste and
exploitation that continue to frame the lives of Dalits? *
My PhD introduced me to the everyday life of Dalits. Once I got to know
members of the movement, my PhD research took me into villages and urban
slums that I had not visited before and opened my eyes to the subtle
manifestations and the everyday practical difficulties of Dalits and how
they are discriminated against both in civil as well as political society.
*One of the significant features of your work was the concept of production
of space and reclamation of rights to public space. How important is this
concept in the case of Dalits? *
The notion of space is the central social idiom of the Dalit struggle. At
least superficially, the transformation of Puthiya Tamizhagam (PT) and
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as political movements has enabled them
to claim space within urban areas on par with other parties as can be seen
in wall posters, flagpoles and murals. Likewise, few towns and villages in
the urban periphery remain untouched by the symbols of Dalit politics. Given
the immense struggles and battles that ensued to gain acceptance for these
symbols, the fact that they are now commonplace in itself is extremely
significant. On a more concrete level, Dalits in urban areas continue to
live predominantly in slums or particular enclaves. Urban space in that
sense is still marked by caste; people seeking homes for rent are often
asked about their caste or are asked to get references from upper caste
people before being offered a place. In rural areas, Dalits still reside in
*cheris* outside the village and must struggle for access to roads and
common resources.
Even in the case of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government's
Samathuvapuram project, [a residential area] where people of different
castes live side by side, lack of engagement between them in common cases
and spaces indicate the continuing resilience of caste sentiment.
*How important do you think is the emergence of Dalit parties such as the
VCK and the PT in Tamil Nadu's political sphere? *
The rise of parties like the VCK and the PT is precisely about compelling
the Dravidian parties to accept Dalits as political players. In the case of
the VCK, so far they seem to have achieved that but the accusations that
they levelled against other Dalit politicians – as being non-representative
and out of touch with the realities of untouchability – are now being
levelled against the VCK. Dalits I have spoken to felt that there are so
many pressing issues that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have
failed to address them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan
conflict.
Whilst it is a real sign of progress that a 'Dalit Party' can speak out on
wider issues, the failure to engage with the concerns of their core
constituents can foster disillusionment.
*Dravidian hegemony, achieved through the Dravidian parties' investment in
symbolic capital such as social honour and trust and creation of symbols,
idioms of glorious past, was one of the major reasons for the suppression of
the Dalit question. How far do you think the Dalit parties are able to
challenge the hegemony? *
The Dalit parties' failure to challenge Dravidian hegemony is one of action
rather than analysis. If one listens to [VCK leader] Thirumavalavan in Dalit
circles or reads his work or that of D. Ravikumar [Member of the Legislative
Assembly representing the VCK], they offer an insightful analysis of
brahminism and of the influence of Dravidian movement and they explain how
Dalits buy into that rhetoric. Despite this, the VCK has allied itself with
both main Dravidian parties rather than attempting to consolidate a Third
Front. The pertinent question is whether the decision to ally with Dravidian
parties is pragmatic or principled.
Initially it was a pragmatic move to escape persecution and establish the
VCK as a political player, but increasingly they seem to be buying into the
system. Yes, they have gained some concessions and have given a voice to
marginalised people to some extent, but when leaders of resistance movements
fall at the feet of Dravidian leaders, you see the transformation of figures
of liberation to establishment figures.
*There is an accusation that the inclusive rhetoric of the Dravidian
movement bypassed Dalits only to empower the regionally dominant middle
castes who oppress Dalits and commit atrocities against them? How far is
this true?*
The Dravidian movement was always anti-Brahmin but was never systematically
anti-brahminical as a philosophy and never has campaigned for that. In fact
they never challenged the structural hierarchy except in symbolic ways,
meaning that we still have caste oppression both at village and urban areas
by dominant castes who have supplanted the Brahmins as power holders but
follow brahminical policies. Brahminism continues to hold sway.
The egalitarian ideology of Periyar has not come into fruition. Even
Vanniyars and Thevars had to struggle for inclusion into Tamil politics.
Indeed, the history of Tamil politics has been one of successive struggles
by marginalised sections in society. The failure of Dravidian parties is
perhaps best exemplified by the fact that political contestation is still
articulated and carried out on caste lines.
*Still the struggle continues? *
Yes, after Vanniyars and Thevars, it was Pallars (Devendrars) and Paraiyars
(Adi Dravidars) and now it is Arunthathiyars who are struggling for
political inclusion. This happens precisely because caste continues to have
symbolic and material substance and remains an important category of
practice. This is not to say that social relations have been static. By and
large, there is a widespread decline of dependency among Dalits. But the
advancement of marginalised communities is largely incidental to, rather
than a product of, Dravidian policies.
Even Dalit movements are mobilising on caste issues, and it is a paradox to
see that anti-caste movements are reinforcing the social structures they
want to eradicate. There are a number of reasons for that; firstly,
Dravidian hegemony is so strong that whatever the leaders say and think,
Dalits cling to a Tamilian identity. The failure of parties like the Bahujan
Samaj Party and the Communist Party of India and the CPI(M) testify to that.
Secondly, it reflects a lack of democracy among Dalit movements. The focus
on big leaders, which reflects the dominant form of Tamil politics, itself
leads to division and status competition. Thirdly, movements have tended to
be particularly sensitive to atrocities, which is important in itself, but
perhaps also entails a failure to work systematically against caste
divisions. Even as the VCK recruits members from the backward castes, thus,
they struggle to gain a foothold amongst Pallars and Arunthathiyars. The
result is that now each caste has its own heroes and mass figures that are
inimical to Dalit unity.
*Talking about "heroes", Dalit movements of late have been involved in
reinventing their own caste histories and glorifying "heroes" from the past.
Could this be seen as discourses of empowerment?*
Caste histories can well be seen as discourses of empowerment and we
shouldn't belittle their importance because they provide at least symbolic
forms of capital and have been instrumental in altering the aspirations and
self-perceptions of the subaltern groups.
*But do you not think that there is a danger of this form of symbolic
capital not turning into social action? *
Yes, there is a double-edged character for this as they detract the
movements from any sense of common struggle and they can lead to status
competition among Dalits as in the case of Devendra Kula Vellalars. From
that perspective, campaign strategies which are formed on common issues such
as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1999, World Conference Against
Racism facilitate cross caste mobilisation.
Perhaps, the best example of such awareness and mobilisation is Ambedkar's
Birth Centenary, which made him a leader of pan-Indian stature and took him
to the remotest corners as champion of the oppressed. If Dalit movements can
build on such platforms, or those of land rights, there is more hope for
Dalit liberation than the advancement of particular communities.
*Most Dalit scholars believe that the idea of resistance politics identified
with the VCK has become a casualty after its entry into electoral politics.
*
The compulsions of electoral politics, which engender compromise and hinder
spontaneity, are the reasons for that. Thirumavalavan could rush to villages
during the 1990s and interact with people; now it's not happening and he
cannot do that. Many are disillusioned with this professionalisation and
bureaucratisation and the focus on Tamil nationalism. The seeming desire to
become a general party rather than focussing on issues largely affecting
Dalits is rather depressing for some cadres though others revel in the
party's strength. But having said this, all the movements suffer from this
malaise.
We have to ask whether the Dalit struggle can be advanced by espousing Tamil
nationalism. The VCK has been able to gain some concessions and goodwill
from its political partners through this strategy, but we must ask at what
cost these gains have been won. The VCK mobilisation in Karnataka, for
instance, is resented by other Dalit parties who see them as primarily a
Tamil party. Dalit unity is thus undermined.
*What are the significant areas where the VCK still wields a lot of
influence? *
In some key areas, the VCK continues to inspire people to follow them, and
some shades of women's empowerment are also taking place. One notable thing
is that in Madurai, R. Pandiammal – whom I mentioned in my book – has risen
to become the district secretary from being a grass-roots worker. This move
needs to be applauded as not many parties have elevated active women to
positions of responsibility.
Secondly, they continue to carve out spaces in terms of book launches, art
festivals and conferences. One VCK member told me that Thirumavalavan talks
about Dalit issues in these platforms in a way that is no longer possible on
political platforms. Finally, there is a suggestion by many people that the
VCK is now engaged in the murkier forms of politics like *katta
panchayats*(kangaroo courts). On the one hand this heralds the party's
arrival as a
significant political player – either because rumours are spread about them
or because they are powerful enough to engage in such activities. On the
other it raises questions about the party's ultimate objectives. If the aim
is a share of political power then this is a step in the right direction,
but if the aim is to transform politics and challenge caste hierarchies,
then this is a retrograde step.
*Your view on the question of compartmental reservation… *
I am deeply sceptical about the Arunthathiyar reservation. For a start, if
the State filled the 18 per cent available [to the Scheduled Castes] fully
and properly there would be no need for compartmental reservation. Although
it is true that the Arunthathiyars are the weakest of the main Dalit castes,
this move can be seen as a form of 'divide and rule' that channels Dalit
mobilisation into caste-based struggles rather than anti-caste struggles.
Furthermore, the issue of reservation is particularly important because the
persistence of caste in contemporary Tamil Nadu, for me at least, rests less
on 'purity and pollution' and more on the question of identity, honour and
caste pride. Compartmental reservation feeds into this dynamic and fuels the
logic of identity-based politics. It does not help to overcome the dialectic
between honour and humiliation, whereas general schemes like the National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme at least have the potential to transcend
caste boundaries.
*Is there any scope for Dalit parties to become politically self-autonomous?
*
Dalit movements here started off as autonomous political forces but have
succumbed to Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot stand alone.
The Third Front in 1999 and actor Vijaykant's limited success signals that
there is scope for non-Dravidian politics, but there have been no sustained
attempts to build up such a campaign. This indicates that Dalit parties are
caught up in the workings of everyday Tamil politics, with the result that
the options open to them are limited to Tamil nationalism, idolisation of
Periyar at a rhetorical level and the symbolic occupation of space. Only if
Dalit movements stand apart from the Dravidian parties will we get a sense
of their autonomy.
*What are your current projects? *
I am currently reading a lot of literature to think more theoretically about
the underpinnings of caste and caste conflicts, thinking through workings of
social power and the way in which everyday interactions form the basis of
caste structures.
Such a bottom-up perspective offers an insight into why caste continues to
inform everyday life even 60 years after Independence. I am also considering
the possibility of carrying out a follow-up study on Dalit politics in Tamil
Nadu that would chart the changes in Dalit mobilisation over the past
decade. The vibrant Dalit movements that I studied in 1999 are now
established political parties and I am keen to tease out the implications of
this shift.
--
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
..................................................................
Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre- PMARC has been initiated with the
support from group of senior journalists, social activists, academics and
intellectuals from Dalit and civil society to advocate and facilitate
Dalits issues in the mainstream media. To create proper & adequate space
with the Dalit perspective in the mainstream media national/ International
on Dalit issues is primary objective of the PMARC.
*Exclusive*
* *
* *
*Front Line*
* *
*'Dalit unity is undermined'*
http://www.frontline.in/stories/20100312270511700.htm
D. KARTHIKEYAN
*Interview with Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of
Edinburgh. *
In the recent past, there has been a lot of debate on the emergence of Dalit
parties in Tamil Nadu's political sphere on the basis of Dalit identity. A
larger identity constructed by the Dravidian movement has not only failed to
transcend caste identities but has also suppressed the Dalit question
through its hegemony. In this interview to *Frontline*, Hugo Gorringe,
Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Edinburgh and author of *Untouchable
Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratisation in Tamil Nadu* (Sage 2005),
talks about the emergence of Dalit movements, Dravidian hegemony and the
future of Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu.
Gorringe has written several articles on caste, violence, protest and
policing. He was in Madurai recently. Excerpts:
*How did the idea of doing research on a Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu
evolve? *
My father worked in the Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary (TTS) in Madurai, so
I grew up in Tamil Nadu between the ages of 4 and 11. During these years, I
was able to make good friends. After we left, I had the opportunity to visit
Madurai once every three or four years to keep up the connection with my
friends, maintain my Tamil and meet people. The TTS is a place where Dalit
theology is very important and I was exposed to dialogues between Gandhi and
Ambedkar on untouchability as well as the social inequalities prevalent
here. For my bachelor's degree, I wrote a 10,000-word project about my
experience with Dalits in India. I thought that the project was easy to do
and also would give me opportunities to meet my friends.
During that project, though, I met more people and learned more about
persistent caste inequalities. Following up on that experience, and
realising that not much work had been done about Dalits and their movements
in English, I thought of filling that gap. That was how my PhD project came
about. Scholars like Michael Moffat (*An Untouchable Community in India:
Structure and Consensus*; Princeton University Press, 1979) had argued that
caste was based on structural consensus and that groups at the lower order
replicated the forms and relationships of those at the upper strata.
Others argue that the lower caste groups in fact fight against caste. The
situation has changed dramatically since Moffat's work was published, and
Dalit movements have mobilised across the State. I wanted to understand
these contemporary caste relations and chart the challenges to caste
hierarchy.
*How important was your PhD in developing your understanding of caste and
exploitation that continue to frame the lives of Dalits? *
My PhD introduced me to the everyday life of Dalits. Once I got to know
members of the movement, my PhD research took me into villages and urban
slums that I had not visited before and opened my eyes to the subtle
manifestations and the everyday practical difficulties of Dalits and how
they are discriminated against both in civil as well as political society.
*One of the significant features of your work was the concept of production
of space and reclamation of rights to public space. How important is this
concept in the case of Dalits? *
The notion of space is the central social idiom of the Dalit struggle. At
least superficially, the transformation of Puthiya Tamizhagam (PT) and
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as political movements has enabled them
to claim space within urban areas on par with other parties as can be seen
in wall posters, flagpoles and murals. Likewise, few towns and villages in
the urban periphery remain untouched by the symbols of Dalit politics. Given
the immense struggles and battles that ensued to gain acceptance for these
symbols, the fact that they are now commonplace in itself is extremely
significant. On a more concrete level, Dalits in urban areas continue to
live predominantly in slums or particular enclaves. Urban space in that
sense is still marked by caste; people seeking homes for rent are often
asked about their caste or are asked to get references from upper caste
people before being offered a place. In rural areas, Dalits still reside in
*cheris* outside the village and must struggle for access to roads and
common resources.
Even in the case of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government's
Samathuvapuram project, [a residential area] where people of different
castes live side by side, lack of engagement between them in common cases
and spaces indicate the continuing resilience of caste sentiment.
*How important do you think is the emergence of Dalit parties such as the
VCK and the PT in Tamil Nadu's political sphere? *
The rise of parties like the VCK and the PT is precisely about compelling
the Dravidian parties to accept Dalits as political players. In the case of
the VCK, so far they seem to have achieved that but the accusations that
they levelled against other Dalit politicians – as being non-representative
and out of touch with the realities of untouchability – are now being
levelled against the VCK. Dalits I have spoken to felt that there are so
many pressing issues that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have
failed to address them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan
conflict.
Whilst it is a real sign of progress that a 'Dalit Party' can speak out on
wider issues, the failure to engage with the concerns of their core
constituents can foster disillusionment.
*Dravidian hegemony, achieved through the Dravidian parties' investment in
symbolic capital such as social honour and trust and creation of symbols,
idioms of glorious past, was one of the major reasons for the suppression of
the Dalit question. How far do you think the Dalit parties are able to
challenge the hegemony? *
The Dalit parties' failure to challenge Dravidian hegemony is one of action
rather than analysis. If one listens to [VCK leader] Thirumavalavan in Dalit
circles or reads his work or that of D. Ravikumar [Member of the Legislative
Assembly representing the VCK], they offer an insightful analysis of
brahminism and of the influence of Dravidian movement and they explain how
Dalits buy into that rhetoric. Despite this, the VCK has allied itself with
both main Dravidian parties rather than attempting to consolidate a Third
Front. The pertinent question is whether the decision to ally with Dravidian
parties is pragmatic or principled.
Initially it was a pragmatic move to escape persecution and establish the
VCK as a political player, but increasingly they seem to be buying into the
system. Yes, they have gained some concessions and have given a voice to
marginalised people to some extent, but when leaders of resistance movements
fall at the feet of Dravidian leaders, you see the transformation of figures
of liberation to establishment figures.
*There is an accusation that the inclusive rhetoric of the Dravidian
movement bypassed Dalits only to empower the regionally dominant middle
castes who oppress Dalits and commit atrocities against them? How far is
this true?*
The Dravidian movement was always anti-Brahmin but was never systematically
anti-brahminical as a philosophy and never has campaigned for that. In fact
they never challenged the structural hierarchy except in symbolic ways,
meaning that we still have caste oppression both at village and urban areas
by dominant castes who have supplanted the Brahmins as power holders but
follow brahminical policies. Brahminism continues to hold sway.
The egalitarian ideology of Periyar has not come into fruition. Even
Vanniyars and Thevars had to struggle for inclusion into Tamil politics.
Indeed, the history of Tamil politics has been one of successive struggles
by marginalised sections in society. The failure of Dravidian parties is
perhaps best exemplified by the fact that political contestation is still
articulated and carried out on caste lines.
*Still the struggle continues? *
Yes, after Vanniyars and Thevars, it was Pallars (Devendrars) and Paraiyars
(Adi Dravidars) and now it is Arunthathiyars who are struggling for
political inclusion. This happens precisely because caste continues to have
symbolic and material substance and remains an important category of
practice. This is not to say that social relations have been static. By and
large, there is a widespread decline of dependency among Dalits. But the
advancement of marginalised communities is largely incidental to, rather
than a product of, Dravidian policies.
Even Dalit movements are mobilising on caste issues, and it is a paradox to
see that anti-caste movements are reinforcing the social structures they
want to eradicate. There are a number of reasons for that; firstly,
Dravidian hegemony is so strong that whatever the leaders say and think,
Dalits cling to a Tamilian identity. The failure of parties like the Bahujan
Samaj Party and the Communist Party of India and the CPI(M) testify to that.
Secondly, it reflects a lack of democracy among Dalit movements. The focus
on big leaders, which reflects the dominant form of Tamil politics, itself
leads to division and status competition. Thirdly, movements have tended to
be particularly sensitive to atrocities, which is important in itself, but
perhaps also entails a failure to work systematically against caste
divisions. Even as the VCK recruits members from the backward castes, thus,
they struggle to gain a foothold amongst Pallars and Arunthathiyars. The
result is that now each caste has its own heroes and mass figures that are
inimical to Dalit unity.
*Talking about "heroes", Dalit movements of late have been involved in
reinventing their own caste histories and glorifying "heroes" from the past.
Could this be seen as discourses of empowerment?*
Caste histories can well be seen as discourses of empowerment and we
shouldn't belittle their importance because they provide at least symbolic
forms of capital and have been instrumental in altering the aspirations and
self-perceptions of the subaltern groups.
*But do you not think that there is a danger of this form of symbolic
capital not turning into social action? *
Yes, there is a double-edged character for this as they detract the
movements from any sense of common struggle and they can lead to status
competition among Dalits as in the case of Devendra Kula Vellalars. From
that perspective, campaign strategies which are formed on common issues such
as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1999, World Conference Against
Racism facilitate cross caste mobilisation.
Perhaps, the best example of such awareness and mobilisation is Ambedkar's
Birth Centenary, which made him a leader of pan-Indian stature and took him
to the remotest corners as champion of the oppressed. If Dalit movements can
build on such platforms, or those of land rights, there is more hope for
Dalit liberation than the advancement of particular communities.
*Most Dalit scholars believe that the idea of resistance politics identified
with the VCK has become a casualty after its entry into electoral politics.
*
The compulsions of electoral politics, which engender compromise and hinder
spontaneity, are the reasons for that. Thirumavalavan could rush to villages
during the 1990s and interact with people; now it's not happening and he
cannot do that. Many are disillusioned with this professionalisation and
bureaucratisation and the focus on Tamil nationalism. The seeming desire to
become a general party rather than focussing on issues largely affecting
Dalits is rather depressing for some cadres though others revel in the
party's strength. But having said this, all the movements suffer from this
malaise.
We have to ask whether the Dalit struggle can be advanced by espousing Tamil
nationalism. The VCK has been able to gain some concessions and goodwill
from its political partners through this strategy, but we must ask at what
cost these gains have been won. The VCK mobilisation in Karnataka, for
instance, is resented by other Dalit parties who see them as primarily a
Tamil party. Dalit unity is thus undermined.
*What are the significant areas where the VCK still wields a lot of
influence? *
In some key areas, the VCK continues to inspire people to follow them, and
some shades of women's empowerment are also taking place. One notable thing
is that in Madurai, R. Pandiammal – whom I mentioned in my book – has risen
to become the district secretary from being a grass-roots worker. This move
needs to be applauded as not many parties have elevated active women to
positions of responsibility.
Secondly, they continue to carve out spaces in terms of book launches, art
festivals and conferences. One VCK member told me that Thirumavalavan talks
about Dalit issues in these platforms in a way that is no longer possible on
political platforms. Finally, there is a suggestion by many people that the
VCK is now engaged in the murkier forms of politics like *katta
panchayats*(kangaroo courts). On the one hand this heralds the party's
arrival as a
significant political player – either because rumours are spread about them
or because they are powerful enough to engage in such activities. On the
other it raises questions about the party's ultimate objectives. If the aim
is a share of political power then this is a step in the right direction,
but if the aim is to transform politics and challenge caste hierarchies,
then this is a retrograde step.
*Your view on the question of compartmental reservation… *
I am deeply sceptical about the Arunthathiyar reservation. For a start, if
the State filled the 18 per cent available [to the Scheduled Castes] fully
and properly there would be no need for compartmental reservation. Although
it is true that the Arunthathiyars are the weakest of the main Dalit castes,
this move can be seen as a form of 'divide and rule' that channels Dalit
mobilisation into caste-based struggles rather than anti-caste struggles.
Furthermore, the issue of reservation is particularly important because the
persistence of caste in contemporary Tamil Nadu, for me at least, rests less
on 'purity and pollution' and more on the question of identity, honour and
caste pride. Compartmental reservation feeds into this dynamic and fuels the
logic of identity-based politics. It does not help to overcome the dialectic
between honour and humiliation, whereas general schemes like the National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme at least have the potential to transcend
caste boundaries.
*Is there any scope for Dalit parties to become politically self-autonomous?
*
Dalit movements here started off as autonomous political forces but have
succumbed to Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot stand alone.
The Third Front in 1999 and actor Vijaykant's limited success signals that
there is scope for non-Dravidian politics, but there have been no sustained
attempts to build up such a campaign. This indicates that Dalit parties are
caught up in the workings of everyday Tamil politics, with the result that
the options open to them are limited to Tamil nationalism, idolisation of
Periyar at a rhetorical level and the symbolic occupation of space. Only if
Dalit movements stand apart from the Dravidian parties will we get a sense
of their autonomy.
*What are your current projects? *
I am currently reading a lot of literature to think more theoretically about
the underpinnings of caste and caste conflicts, thinking through workings of
social power and the way in which everyday interactions form the basis of
caste structures.
Such a bottom-up perspective offers an insight into why caste continues to
inform everyday life even 60 years after Independence. I am also considering
the possibility of carrying out a follow-up study on Dalit politics in Tamil
Nadu that would chart the changes in Dalit mobilisation over the past
decade. The vibrant Dalit movements that I studied in 1999 are now
established political parties and I am keen to tease out the implications of
this shift.
--
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
..................................................................
Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre- PMARC has been initiated with the
support from group of senior journalists, social activists, academics and
intellectuals from Dalit and civil society to advocate and facilitate
Dalits issues in the mainstream media. To create proper & adequate space
with the Dalit perspective in the mainstream media national/ International
on Dalit issues is primary objective of the PMARC.
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