Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams, chapter 522
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
India face Sri Lanka in the first of the three cricket Test matches here Sunday and the fixture will be Sri Lankan spin wizard Muttiah Muralitharan's last Test.The absence of pace spearhead Zaheer Khan and S Sreesanth will be a big setback for the team, according to Indian cricket captain Mahendra Singh Dhoni who reckons it will provide an opportunity for young pacers to prove their worth in the Test series against Sri Lanka. Zaheer has been ruled out of the series due to a shoulder injury while Sreesanth has sprained a ligament of his left knee and will be replaced by Munaf Patel in the squad.
The president of Sri Lanka held a cabinet meeting on Wednesday in the northern town of Kilinochchi, the capital of the Tamil Tigers rebels until they were finally defeated last year.
The separatist guerrillas controlled one-third of Sri Lanka as recently as 2006 and ran a de facto state from Kilinochchi that included their own legal, banking and tax collecting systems.
Mahinda Rajapakse held a two-hour cabinet session and a review of construction work in the former war zone before meeting with ethnic Tamils who were displaced during the final months of the war, his office said.
The venue for the cabinet meeting was seen as part of Rajapakse's efforts to present Sri Lanka as a united country since the defeat of the rebels, despite continuing deep ethnic divisions on the island.
The United Nations estimates that some 7,000 Tamil civilians perished in the final four months of the conflict, which claimed up to 100,000 lives since 1972.
Rajapakse's military offensive triggered international calls for a war crimes probe.
Agitation against advisory panel in Geniva |
The main intention of this campaign as to stage a protest called the voice of Sri Lanka in front of the UN office in Geneva. Meanwhile the Swiss Tiger network watched the agitation from a distance. Thee agitators stated that since Ban Ki Moon is following dual policy towards Sri Lanka, he should step down from this position right away.
The Washington Post newspaper reported yesterday that UN Gen secretary Ban Ki Moon is acting beyond his legal powers. This was revealed by former US ambassador to the UN Mr. John Dolton. He also alleged that Ban Ki Moon is also going beyond the functions of the UN Security Council and he has no powers to do so.
FIFA Paul Cup Over and Now Over to Cricket Once agin as Cricket May Not Set Records Afresh in Indo Srilanka Relations Despite Murali Sachin Magic all the Way!Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has assured Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi that his government will do all that it can to enable the Sri Lankan Tamils to live with dignity. In a letter to Karunanidhi dated July 3 and released to the media in Chennai on Friday, the prime minister said: "My government will certainly
do all that it can to enable the Tamils in Sri Lanka to live a life of dignity and self-respect."
"We will use our influence and make efforts to help in the restoration of normal life in northern and eastern Sri Lanka through the rapid rehabilitation of the internally displaced persons," he added.
Meanwhile,The U.N. country chief in Sri Lanka, recalled to New York in a spat over demonstrations outside the U.N. office in the capital, Colombo, will go back to his post, the world body said on Friday.
Neil Buhne "will conclude his visit to New York this week and he will return to Colombo," U.N. spokesman Farhan Haq told reporters.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon recalled Buhne last week and ordered the closure of a U.N. regional center in Colombo during protests against a U.N. war crimes panel.
The United Nations said the protests hampered its ability to operate.
The demonstrations were led by Sri Lankan Construction Minister Wimal Weerawansa, who declared a hunger strike. Last Saturday, President Mahinda Rajapaksa ordered Weerawansa to end the fast.
The protests followed Ban's appointment of a three-member panel to advise him on "accountability issues" stemming from the Sri Lankan government's destruction last year of Tamil Tiger separatists, ending a 25-year war. Human rights groups have criticized civilian deaths in the war's final phase.
"It is important to continue U.N. efforts to assist the people of Sri Lanka, particularly with regard to reconstruction and rehabilitation in the (mainly Tamil) north," Haq said.
Buhne would convey to Sri Lankan leaders "the secretary-general's strong expectations for better treatment of the U.N. family in Sri Lanka," he said, as well as progress on resettlement of refugees, reconciliation and accountability.
Citing India's financial commitment for rehabilitation of Tamils in Sri Lanka, the letter noted: "We have already committed Rs.500 crore for this purpose. Further, as you know, we are committed to assist in the construction of 50,000 houses for internally displaced persons and are also trying to restore normal economic activity in these areas by building infrastructure and promoting sustainable livelihood."
Inviting Karunanidhi's views on rehabilitation and achieving a permanent solution for the Sri Lankan Tamil problem, the prime minister said: "I also look forward to receiving your views and advice on ways forward towards the process of genuine reconciliation to resolve the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka once and for all through political agreement that we have consistently advocated."
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi asked the Centre to grant permanent residential status to over 1.6 lakh Sri Lankan Tamil refugees residing in the state. hey should be given permanent residential status to enable the state government to initiate steps for improving their economic and social well-being, Karunanidhi wrote in the DMK's official organ 'Murasoli'.The government is of the view that any effort to improve these refugees living conditions would only be an effort to enhance the livelihood of Tamils as a whole, he said. He said there were 115 refugee camps housing 73,241 Lankan Tamils in 26 districts in the state. Besides, 31,802 of them were living outside the camps in the state, he said.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi has suggested sending an Indian envoy to Sri Lanka to assess the progress on rehabilitation of Tamils living in refugee camps in the island nation. In his letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh dated July 17, Karunanidhi said: "I would like to suggest that Government of India, through
diplomatic sources or by sending a special envoy, may assess the real situation in the affected areas and the progress of rehabilitation measures so far undertaken by the Sri Lankan government...."
He said that India may also try to get information on "the time-frame for completing the process of resettlement to the satisfaction of the affected persons. This will enable us to plan the future course of action with a view to ensure peaceful and rightful livelihood of the displaced Tamils".
On July 9, Singh in his letter to Karunanidhi had invited his views and advice "on ways forward towards the process of genuine reconciliation to resolve the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka once and for all through political agreement that we have consistently advocated".
Pointing out that the DMK has been advocating the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamils right from the year 1956, Karunanidhi's letter notes that the issue needs short and long term solutions.
The letter cites the denial of permission to Lankan Tamils to return to their native places even though a year has passed since the internal strife ended.
"Though the Government of India have sanctioned a financial assistance of Rs.500 crore for the purpose of rehabilitation long back, it is sad that the rehabilitation measures have not progressed at the expected level," he said.
"Consequently, the displaced people continue to undergo the ordeal of camp life," the letter noted.
Now it is right Time to Cheer Up Team India NOT Recovered as yet from the IPL Reality Realty Scam!India captain Mahendra Singh Dhoni Saturday said opener Virender Sehwag's form will be crucial as the visitors look for their first Test series win in Sri Lanka in 17 years.
ICC President Sharad Pawar on Saturday paid tribute to Sri Lankan off-spinner Muttiah Muralitharan, who will play his final Test match when Sri Lanka face India at Galle starting tomorrow.
Muralitharan will begin his final Test match on a record 792 Test wickets.
"I am sure there will be cricket lovers all over the world who will hope that Muttiah Muralitharan breaks the 800 Test wicket barrier," Pawar said.
'He has enjoyed a remarkably successful career and I am sure that while we will all be sad to see him leave the Test Match arena, the pinnacle of international cricket, that his achievements will inspire a new generation of young cricketers," he added.
He further said that Muralitharan has re-written the history book and created a mark that will be difficult to surpass.
"Murali is a true legend of our great sport. He has also been an excellent role model and great ambassador throughout his career - playing the game with not only great skill, but also great spirit," Pawar said.
"His record is truly astonishing for not only does he have 792 Test match wickets, but he also has 512 wickets in One-Day International cricket," he added.
Dhoni said India's fate in the series will depend on how fit-again Sehwag performs.
'There is no doubt that Sehwag is a great batsman. And he is the one who will open the account for us. The way he bats, if he can bat for one or one and a half session, more often than not he crosses the century mark,' Dhoni said.
'It will be great to have him going. We have Gautam Gambhir and other batsmen who have the potential to score big. Of course, start is important for us. But there is no pressure on Sehwag,' he added.
Dhoni said after the team's early exit from the Twenty20 World debacle, players have made a conscious effort to improve their fitness.
'It is quite difficult to change all of a sudden. Every player has made a conscious attempt to change a bit of everything. Everyone has put in a bit of effort in training because that is important. We are trying to reduce the amount of things that we have and we are having what is really good for us. It has been working,' he added.
Dhoni also admitted that home advantage make Sri Lankans the favourites.
'We will try our best. We have to give in more than 100 per cent in the series because the conditions are more in favour of Sri Lankan team. They know the home conditions better than us. At the same time, it will be a good exposure for the youngsters who are a part of the side. It will just add to their exposure and their experience. Overall, it would be good for Indian cricket in the long run,' he added.
On Muralitharan, Dhoni said: 'I started cricket quite late. But off the field I can say Murali is good to have in the dressing room. He is a great guy. I think there are more memories off the field than on the field because I really don't talk much on the field. We have played quite a few series against each other. Of late, we have been playing virtually every year against Sri Lanka.'
Murali's Indian farewellHindustan Times - 21 minutes agoMuttiah Muralitharan, playing in his farewell Test, will understandably be the man in the centre of the action as the three-match series between Sri Lanka and India begins at the Galle International Stadium on Sunday. But there will be lots to look ... An era ends with him...Hindustan Times - Anil Kumble - 18 minutes agoHow do you begin to appreciate someone who has taken 792 Test wickets and could well end with 800? One way is to look at where Sri Lankan cricket was before Muttiah Muralitharan came on in 1992 and see where it is now. No team can afford to take Sri ... At 38, he could have played onHindustan Times - 13 minutes agoAll good things have to come to an end and, sadly for cricket lovers, today marks the beginning of the end for a true champion: Muttiah Muralitharan. During the last 19 years, Murali has dominated the game and, through the last decade, I have watched ...
'We should concentrate on giving Murali a good farewell'NDTV.com - 2 hours agoPTI Sri Lankan captain Kumar Sangakkara on Saturday reminded his teammates to focus on the job at hand and not get carried away by emotions in Muttiah Muralitharan's swansong Test against India. "As a team the best we can do for Murali is to make sure ... Muralitharan's farewell to assume centre-stage in the first TestThe Hindu - 3 hours agoAP Muttiah Muralitharan who is three short of 100 wickets against India in Tests, bowls during a practice session ahead of their first test match in Galle. The occasion bristles with possibilities. Test cricket's most successful bowler will match his ... Murali a legend, role model and an ambassador: PawarNDTV.com - 2 hours agoPTI ICC President Sharad Pawar on Saturday paid glowing tributes to retiring Sri Lanka spin wizard Muttiah Muralitharan, describing him as a legend, role model and a great ambassador of the game. Muralitharan will retire after the opening Test against ... Weakened bowling threatens India's chancesCricInfo.com - Sidharth Monga - 5 hours agoSometimes some places inspire people. On their last Test tour, when India came to Galle, Harbhajan Singh and Ishant Sharma were two such inspired men. The batting had been absolutely destroyed in Colombo, and apart from Virender Sehwag they had failed ... SL vs Ind [Sri Lanka vs India]: Stage Set For M&M 's Swan SongLSB - 30 minutes agoGalle: The Sri Lanka vs. India test series starting from tomorrow will see the great Sri Lankan spinner Muttiah Muralitharan bid farewell to the world of test cricket. The legend who just needs 8 wickets to bring his total up to a whopping 800 will ... Situations don't matter to Murali: DhoniBangalore Mirror - Sunandan Lele - 2 hours agoIndia captain MS Dhoni paid tributes to the great Sri Lankan spinner and his Chennai Super Kings teammate Muttiah Muralitharan. Here are the excerpts. "I played my first Test match against Sri Lanka. Before making my debut, many players from my team ... Magician ready for final bowDeccan Herald - 1 hour agoNot even the severe lashing the Galle International stadium took for a prolonged spell late on Saturday afternoon has dampened the enthusiasm of this laid-back tourist town, bracing up to bid farewell to Muttiah Muralitharan. ... All 106 related articles » | | RelatedSri LankaIndia Muttiah Muralitharan Mahendra Singh Dhoni Galle Test match Timeline of articlesNumber of sources covering this story
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India are determined not to join the party as Sri Lanka celebrate world record wicket taker Muttiah Muralidaran's final Test appearance in Galle from Sunday.
The off-spinner, 38, will retire after the opening contest of the three-match series at the Galle International Stadium, in which he needs eight scalps to reach the unprecedented 800-wicket mark in Test cricket.
Local fans want Muralidaran to claim those eight wickets and lead Sri Lanka to victory in what will be a fitting end to a remarkable, but controversial, 18-year Test career.
However, Indian captain Mahendra Singh Dhoni said his world number one team will not allow Muralidaran -- who is commonly known as Murali -- to have it all his way.
"Good luck to Murali, but we are here to win," said Dhoni, who teams up with the Sri Lankan in the Twenty20 Indian Premier League for current champions Chennai Super Kings.
"We all know Murali is a great bowler and his achievements speak for themselves. More importantly, he is also a great human being and I cherish his friendship.
"However, this is Test cricket and we do not intend to give our wickets easily. Our batsmen would like not to give him the opportunity to reach 800 wickets during the first Test."
The 132-Test veteran, the most successful bowler in history with record hauls in both Test (792) and one-day (515) cricket, said last week he was retiring from the longer version since he had nothing left to strive for.
"I have achieved what I wanted to achieve. There is nothing left or any target to reach," he told reporters at the announcement of his decision to quit tests.
Muralidaran had earlier talked of retiring after the home series against the West Indies in November, but changed his mind because he "did not want to keep so many talented youngsters waiting."
Local media reports said Muralidaran preferred not to wait till the end of the India series because he was unsure of being able to manage the workload of an entire series.
Sri Lanka Cricket, eager to give Muralidaran a fitting farewell, has invited all past Test captains and those who played alongside him to witness his final match.
Officials have also planned ceremonial presentations to the spinner both at the start of the match and after it, hoping Muralidaran will sign off in style.
The off-spinner's track record at the Galle International Stadium indicates he may not have a problem reaching the 800-wicket mark.
Muralidaran has claimed 103 wickets in the 14 Tests he has played against all opposition at Galle, 13 of them against the Indians in two matches.
India's batsmen, led by world record holder Sachin Tendulkar, are reputed to play spin well, but Muralidaran grabbed 21 wickets in three Tests in the last home series in 2008 to lead Sri Lanka to a 2-1 win.
Muralidaran's controversial bent-arm action -- the result of an elbow deformity since birth -- has helped him impart considerable turn and bounce to wreck havoc with the ball.
The off-spinner has claimed five wickets in an innings an astonishing 66 times, almost double the hauls of second-placed Australian Shane Warne, who has done it on 37 occasions.
Muralidaran has taken 10 wickets or more in a Test 22 times. Warne, who follows the Sri Lankan in the all-time list with 708 wickets, has managed that only 10 times.
"Let's all enjoy the moment," said former Test batsman Aravinda de Silva, who is now the chairman of selectors. "There will not be a Murali again."
'Tendulkar deserves World Cup win'
Indianexpress, Agencies, 16 July 2010Sachin Tendulkar deserves a World Cup victory under his belt but to realise this dream the batting icon needs players like Virender Sehwag, Yuvraj Singh and MS Dhoni to fire in 2011 home event, says former Kiwi fast bowler Danny Morrison.
"Sachin Tendulkar, the master, deserves to have some sort of winners' medal hanging round his neck but it's not all about him. Cricket is a tough game and it's also about whether Yuvraj Singh, Virender Sehwag, Gautam Gambhir and MS Dhoni can deliver for India. Can they do it for Sachin?," Morrison said at an ICC audio-cricket show.
The cricketer-turned-commentator also feels that India will be strong contenders to lift the World Cup.
"I think India has the best opportunity to lift the World Cup this time round. It has to be good for them playing on home turf. It adds pressure but that's part of hosting.
"You feel that India want something special to happen and this year I think you've got to go with the India team to emulate the 1983 side led by Kapil Dev," said Morrison, who claimed 126 ODI wickets and 160 in Tests.
India will co-host the 2011 edition along with Sri Lanka and Bangladesh in February-March.
India's views matter, don't care about the world: Rajapaksa
K Venkataramanan, TNN, Jun 28, 2010, 01.40am ISTClearly upbeat over the outcome of his recent visit to New Delhi, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa recently spoke to TOI in an exclusive interview about India and its concerns, his troubled ties with the international community, especially the United Nations, and the constitutional changes he proposed. Rajapaksa presented the post-war rehabilitation of Tamil refugees as one that was actually unbelievably fast rather than the tardy exercise the world says it is. "We have sent back most people to their homes, about 80-90%," he said. In the course of a two-hour-long conversation with K Venkataramanan at his Temple Trees residence in Colombo, he also hinted at giving himself an opportunity for more terms in office by amending the present Constitution which limits a president's tenure to two terms. Rajapaksa described the incarceration of his political rival, ex-army chief Sarath Fonseka, as something that was not of concern to him as it was a judicial matter, and spoke candidly about his support for an ethnically mixed population in the north, where traditionally Tamils constitute an overwhelming majority and his belief that Tamils and Muslims should choose to be part of a national parties instead of limiting themselves to regional or communal identities.
EXCERPTS:
Your popularity in the country is at its height. But aren't you worried about the international image of the country and your own personal image abroad?
Why should I worry about others? If India and neighbours are good with me, that is enough for me.
The UN has made adverse remarks about the human rights situation and many have called for an international investigation into war crimes in the last phase of the war.
They should understand the country's situation. Earlier, they said Prabhakaran was the world's most ruthless terrorist. But now, suddenly, when I defeated him, they are talking differently. I wonder if they would say the same if bin Laden were to be defeated. They can advise us, but they can't force us. No one can force us to do this and that.
The international community, including EU, even India, frequently asks you to speed up the process of finding a political solution. Where do you stand on that?
We will take our own time and the solution, you can't ask for an instant solution like instant noodles. Constitutions are not for one or two days. It is not a magazine which is published weekly or monthly. We can't change the Constitution frequently. We will have to take our own time. We will certainly change all this. My commitment remains.
The European Union has threatened to suspend GSP Plus tariff concessions for Sri Lanka.
I am not bothered. These concessions were offered soon after the tsunami. Now the tsunami (rehabilitation) is over, it helped us at that time. Now we must find new markets. Our people must know this: when I called the elections, they (EU) immediately called for suspension of tariff concessions. It was a politically motivated decision. If the EU doesn't want to give it (concessions), let them keep it. I don't want it. We have gone and explained what we have done. Now we have appointed it (an inquiry commission), not because someone wanted me to, but because I am committed to that.
The commission is about the lessons learnt and what should be done for national reconciliation. You must have your own view on this. What will you say are the lessons learnt from this conflict and what are your suggestions for national reconciliation?
The people must trust each other. We have to build that trust. In Colombo, about 30 years ago, Sinhalese were the majority. Today, they are a minority, about 27%. There are more Tamils and Muslims now. But I don't see this as a problem. I believe in mixed population. Earlier, there was and they had no problem like this. Only politicians make althese issues for their own ends.
There are fears of complete Sinhalisation of the north and east. Will the Sinhalese people be settled in those areas in large numbers?
They were there, you know. They were chased by Prabhakaran, so, if anybody wants to go there, yes, they can. What if somebody were to say that in Colombo, the Tamils have come in large numbers?
Is it true there are 25,000 Chinese workers in Sri Lanka?
How can it be 25,000? Must be the Chinese who work here as dental technicians. They have been here for such a long time. I remember during the time of the Sirimavo Bandaranaike regime, the opposition started a campaign saying Bandaranaike had sold this country to China. And they came out with photos of these dental technicians. They took their photos and were publishing it saying China, China. I feel it is the same cry of China, China now. Others are saying India, India. Now they are saying we are selling this country to India. The JVP has declared we are selling this country to India.
Between all these developments, where do you see your relations with China?
We are a non-aligned country. Our neighbours are Indians. I always say, Indians are our relations. From the time of Emperor Asoka, we have had that culture. The whole culture, irrigation, architecture has been built up over the last 2,500 years. You can't break that. But that doesn't mean we won't get commercial benefits from others. From China, or Japan, or whoever. They will come here, they will build, they will go back. India comes here, they will build and they will stay. This is the difference. In simple terms, whenever our relationship is stronger and we get close to India, this campaign begins. They start to say India has started to rule, and they know India is very sensitive about Pakistan or China. So they will use these factors to upset the Indian public. Well, I think even the LTTE used this point.
How do you see your recent visit to India and the joint statement that spoke of cooperation in various fields?
I think it was a very successful visit. The agreements that we signed, in fact most of them, are concerned with development work, especially in the north, infrastructure development, railways, housing projects (50,000 houses in the north and east), power plant project in Sampur. All those things are necessary for development of this country.
Some of these ideas have been around for 2-3 years. However, not much progress has been made. Do you think work will speed up now?
I very much hope so. We need to have targets. Earlier, we could say the delay was due to the terrorist problem or something. Now we cannot say all those things. We agreed that all projects will be started by 2010.
How do you foresee Indo-Sri Lankan relations over the next five years?
It will be very strong. We had certain things in the past, but now it is very good, we understand them, they understand us. This is the best time we have had at all levels. Even the people-to-people contacts, business, politicians.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Indias-views-matter-dont-care-about-the-world-Rajapaksa/articleshow/6099633.cms
Team India has the batting to combat any situation
Partab Ramchand, Saturday, July 17, 2010
The most lustrous batting line up in the world must rise up to its lofty stature in the first Test at Galle starting on Sunday. Time and again, the super quintet (or sometimes a round half a dozen) has pulled off the most amazing of feats to over up for the weaker aspect of Indian cricket – the bowling.
In recent times, however, with the bowling rising to the occasion and batting living up to its reputation the Indian team has touched dizzy heights with the result that it is perched at the No.1 spot in the ICC Test rankings.
How many times in the history of Test cricket could a team have had the first four boasting of an average of fifty plus and a fifth who has an average in the mid 40s? The class, skill and experience of this Indian batting line up is hard to beat, and even after conceding that the Sri Lankan batting line up too has notched up many notable feats, particularly in recent years and at home, there is no denying that the Indian batting is without peer in the game today.
And, that is a comforting feeling for the Indian cricket follower for when one looks at the bowling line up one can only shudder with fear and anxiety. As it is, with Zaheer Khan having Ishant Sharma and Sreesanth for support the pace attack was not one that inspired confidence. The withdrawal of Zaheer and Sreesanth through injuries made the opening attack emaciated, considering the fact that Ishant has not exactly delivered following his dream debut in Australia in 2007-08.
Fortunately, the Indian pace bowling cupboard is not exactly bare and there are any number of claimants for places when a bowler drops out due to various injuries. From RP Singh to Ashish Nehra, from Irfan Pathan to Munaf Patel the replacement list is quite impressive. But the selectors' decision to opt for Abhimanyu Mithun again made the Indian cricket fan uncomfortable.
There was also talk of sending for Jaidev Unadkat, who is currently with the India A squad in England. Talented as Unadkat and Mithun are one is not sure whether they are ready for to don the India cap now. In the absence of Zaheer and Sreesanth what is needed is a bit of experience and fortunately Munaf Patel was flown to Colombo as a replacement.
Still a trio of Ishant, Munaf and Mithun does not seem to have the firepower to take on the likes of Thilan Samaraweera, Kumar Sangakkara, Mahela Jayawardene and Tillekeratne Dilshan. What's more these players have been particularly prolific at home.
Early warning signals have been hoisted after the warm-up game at Colombo where the totals notched up by the Sri Lanka Board President's XI were 514 for nine and 260 for six with four batsmen helping themselves to centuries.
A lot then would depend on the competitive Harbhajan who relishes such a challenging situation. Pragyan Ojha's bowling in the warm-up game was a source of comfort and he and Harbhajan should be the spin duo on duty in the first Test. With match figures of one for 141 in the warm-up game Mithun's confidence levels cannot be high and it should be Ishant and Munaf sharing the new ball at Galle.
The quartet does not look to be a line up that could contain the strong Sri Lankan batting and some help from the non-regular bowlers could be required. But then the home team bowlers could face an even more serious problem when confronted by the formidable Indian batting.
Considering the fact that India have won three Tests to Sri Lanka's five in contests in the island nation as also that they have won only one series way back in 1993 when Sri Lanka were still feeling their way around in international cricket it would be tempting to place the home team in the favourities circle.
But then India are the No 1 Test team and that is something that the Lankans will have to guard against. The confidence level of the Indians is at an all time high and it has the batting to combat any situation. Whether it has the bowling to win Tests remains to be seen. And with Sri Lanka's bowling in a similar situation be prepared for a high scoring series.
http://cricket.yahoo.com/cricket/blog/partabramchand/217/217partabramchand
Sri Lankan Tamils in India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Notable Sri Lankans in India M. G. Ramachandran, V. Kanakasabhai, Arumuka Navalar, Balu Mahendra | ||||||||||||
Total population | ||||||||||||
Hundreds of Thousands | ||||||||||||
Regions with significant populations | ||||||||||||
| ||||||||||||
Languages | ||||||||||||
Tamil, Sinhala, English | ||||||||||||
Religion | ||||||||||||
Hindu (Saivite), Christian, Roman Catholic | ||||||||||||
Related ethnic groups | ||||||||||||
Sri Lankan, Indian Tamils, Malayalis, Dravidian |
Sri Lankan Tamils in India mainly refer to Tamil people of Sri Lankan origin in India and non resident Sri Lankan Tamil. They are partly who migrated to India and their descendants and mostly refugees from Sri Lanka because of the recently concluded Sri Lankan Civil War. In general socio economically they are living below poverty line, except few people who settled in India during early times, rich businessmen, and professionals. In Tamil Nadu they are also known as Ceylon Tamils or Jaffna Tamils, and in Kerala the Sri Lankan Tamils call themselves Elavar after a corruption of the term Ezhava, a caste in Kerala.[8]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] History
[edit] Early arrivals
During 19th century and early 20th century some Sri Lankan Tamils especially from Jaffna migrated or settled in India for various reasons such as education, employment in the British Indian government, business and other reasons. Most notable among them were Hensman family, who are migrated to Chennai from Jaffna during late 19th century.
[edit] Sri Lankan refugees
The Sri Lankan refugees arrived in Tamil Nadu in four waves. The first wave on 24 July 1983, after Black July, to the 29 July 1987 up until the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, 134,053 Sri Lankan Tamils arrived in India. The first repatriation took place after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord in 1987 and between 24 December 1987 and 31 August 1989, 25,585 refugees and non-camp Sri Lankan nationals returned to Sri Lanka. The second wave began with the start of Eelam War II after 25 August 1989, where 122,000 Sri Lankan Tamils came to Tamil Nadu. On 20 January 1992, after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi 54,188 refugees were voluntarily repatriated to Sri Lanka, until March 1995. Eelam War III commenced in April 1995 starting the third wave or refugees. By 12 April 2002, nearly 23,356 refugees had come to Tamil Nadu. The flow of refugees had stopped in 2002 because of the cease fire agreement.[9]
[edit] Demographics
Tamils distribution in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka
Sri Lankan Tamils in India number in the hundreds of thousands, mostly in the state of Tamil Nadu, the closest state to Sri Lanka and the easiest to get to. There is also a considerable amount in the state of Kerala with around 700 refugee families.[10][11] There are also a number of Sri Lankan Tamils in the eastern regions of Orissa, Karnataka and Puducherry.
Highest number of Sri Lankan Tamil families living in KK Nagar, Thuvakudi in Trichirapalli, Neelankarai, Valasaravakkam in Chennai, Nagercoil in Kanniyakumari, R.S puram, Valparai in Coimbatore.
[edit] Refugees
The Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in Tamil Nadu have three different kinds of shelter. The first is the camp refugees or those who took shelter in camps mostly located in the rural areas. They were sent from the Mandapam transit camp to different locations. The second group is non-camp refugees are those living in tented house with relatives and friends without any assistance from the government. Nearly fifty thousand refugees lived outside camps; most of them are staying in big cities. The third group consisted of those who supposedly posed security threats since they were involved in subversive activities in Sri Lanka. They were sent to special camps where they had to live under constant surveillance. These special camps came into existence in 1991.
[edit] The Camps
When the first wave of refugees entered India in 1983, they were divided into three groups. Besides the camp and noncamp refugees, there were the militants in special camps.The Government of Tamil Nadu had to welcome the refugees in the emergency situation. The Indian government did not like to send the refugees to other states because of the language barriers. India's continued refusal to sign protocols and also the ban on NGOs prevent any international help from reaching the refugees. There are nearly 80,000 refugees 132 camps in Tamil Nadu and one in Orissa. All refugee camps are registered. This entitles them to government assistance-cash, shelter, health facilities, clothing and provision of essential items. The refugees from Sri Lanka have been the recipients of one of the most advanced systems of education in the world, but since 1991, this privilege has been withdrawn.
Refugees also have strict restrictions on their freedom of movement and are treated with some degree of suspicion by the Indian government. It is due to assassination of former Indian Prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 by a suspected member of the LTTE. After that some refugee camps were moved away from coastal areas to isolated interior regions of Tamil Nadu state so as to prevent contact amongst the refugees belonging to different camps[12]. Refugees also have strict restrictions on their freedom of movement and are treated as third grade citizens. If any one disobey the rules may have their monthly stipend and rations cut off as punishment. As India has not signed the international convention for refugees, the plight of the Sri Lankan refugees in India is not brought to the scrutiny of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and no other major human rights organization has taken note of the suffering of the Tamils languishing in the "special camps" in India.
Militant Refugees
Militant leadership has always been elitist and there is a clear line of distinction between them and the mass of refugees. The leadership drew its support and recruited its forces from the refugee camps. These camps no longer exist. They were all dosed down after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, but their legacy continues to haunt the refugees.
Noncamp Refugees
These are the refugees who do not receive financial assistance from the government. They are mostly rich businessmen and professionals. They also include a small number of near destitute young men who are in India to escape from being recruited by the militants. Most of the Sri Lankan Tamils lives in the pockets of Chennai, Trichy and Kanyakumari in Tamil Nadu, Trivandrum, Punalur in Kerala.
Recent Developments
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Mr.M.Karunanidhi assured that the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees living in and outside the camps would be granted Indian citizenship soon. Spiritual leader Sri Sri Ravi Shankar has backed Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi's call to give Indian citizenship to Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India[13].
[edit] Prominent People
- V. Kanakasabhai
- Balu Mahendra
- J.E. Hensman[14]
- Raibahadur Williamspillai[15]
- Paul M. Jayarajan aka Marcus Jayarajan Paul[16]
- E. M. V. Naganathan
- H.S. Hensman[17].
- J. P. Chandrababu
Eelam War and the Long Arm of the Indian Rearguard across the Palk Straits
By Dayapala Thiranagama Indo- Sri Lanka relations made a dramatic and unprecedented change with the beginning of the Eelam war. This change contributed to bringing about far reaching military and political consequences within Sri Lanka and its two destructive wars. The JVP led anti-devolutionary Sinhalese rebellion had been the direct result of the changed Indian policy. The most destructive Eelam war was the other. These developments have fundamentally shaped the future course of Sri Lankan politics. Since 1983 India had begun supporting the Tamil militant groups to train and arm its cadres for military confrontations with the Sri Lankan state. Their bases in Tamil Nadu provided a rearguard and they could retreat safely to these bases after mounting deadly attacks to the Sri Lankan security forces. The current Indian policy has changed positively as India has become pragmatic but Sri Lanka needs political investment in the form of political devolution and inclusiveness of ethnic minorities in order to effectively de-activate the rearguard in Tamil Nadu. This short essay attempts to analyze the impact of Indian policy on the Sri Lankan political and military developments for the last 30 years through the rearguard in Tamil Nadu and how it has shaped our political agenda on the ethnic issue. Role of the rearguard The Tamil armed struggle had a trustworthy, stable and dependable rearguard which was easily accessible by sea from the North and East. It became their main supply line throughout the war. It was politically and militarily supportive and culturally compatible since it was historically connected with the Sri Lankan Tamils. Such a rearguard for guerilla warfare is an ideal one for sustained protracted guerilla warfare against a militarily and politically powerful enemy if used strategically. However, the LTTE's lack of political maturity and the pursuit of unprincipled and dangerous application of violence changed the political support they could enjoy in Tamil Nadu. The decision to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi proved to be a costly mistake for the LTTE. The LTTE's political and military ruthlessness has often been seen as strength, feared but also admired. While it has sometimes been as seen as bad for their image, the role that the LTTE's violent politics played in placing them into a strategically weaker position both politically and militarily has not been sufficiently considered. After Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Tamil Nadu could no longer be counted on for the level of support it had once provided the Tigers. . When the LTTE leadership was cornered and decimated by the Sri Lankan army on 18 May 2009, in Vellamulaivikkal the Tamil Tigers paid in full for their past mistake. Had not the LTTE assassinated Rajiv Gandhi, the conclusion of the Eelam war could have been entirely different. The protracted guerilla war against the Sri Lankan state has been possible due to the existence of the Indian rearguard and its stable base in Tamil Nadu. The Indian rearguard had a twin purpose, military as well as political throughout its existence. Firstly it enabled a group like the LTTE to conduct a war using a rearguard in a foreign soil with a relative safety. The Sri Lankan state had no capacity to place a watertight naval blockade to stop any supply lines. As a consequence, the feared Sea Tiger wing was able to establish a complete domination of the sea across Palk Strait until the last phase of the war. Secondly, the Eelamists were able to exert pressure on the Indian Government through Tamil Nadu to gain political and military advantages when the war was not going well in their favaour. The Indian rearguard would have been the envy of any guerilla leader elsewhere but Prabaharan showed his inability to understand or appreciate its value in political and military terms for the LTTE's future when he ordered the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in1991. The Indian government had its own political reasons for allowing Tamil militant groups the use of Tamil Nadu since 1979. The LTTE's activities there would not have been possible without the knowledge of RAW. After the 1983 riots in Colombo, the Congress party allowed the training of guerilla fighters in Tamil Nadu for use against the Sri Lankan state, enhancing the party's support in that region. In addition to this internal political advantage it also provided greater possibilities for India to re-balance the regional political forces in the South Asian region. The Indian contention has been that the Tamil grievances among Sri Lankan Tamils were unresolved. The sharp contrast between the basic democratic rights enjoyed by people living in Tamil Nadu as opposed to the Sri Lankan Tamils gave a legitimate weight to India's efforts to resolve the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka. Military intervention In 1987, Indian troops came to North and East following the Indo-Lanka Agreement signed between Rajiv Gandhi and President J.R. Jayewardene. This led to the second JVP rebellion as they portrayed the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) as an invading army of the Indian imperialism supported by the USA and its imperialist policies. The Indo -Lanka Agreement pushed for the devolution of power to the Tamil community in the North and East through the 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution which inflamed anti-Tamil and anti-Indian sentiments in the Sinhalese south. The JVP led armed struggle against Jayewardene and the UNP became destructive and the JVP was able to deepen its Sinhalese political and social base. Some sections of the SLFP and Buddhist clergy were attracted by anti-Tamil and anti-Indian ultra-nationalist passions and proved responsive to the JVP's message. The JVP also assassinated left activists and others who supported the devolution of power under the 13th amendment. All the democratic and left activists who supported the devolution package were branded as the fifth column of the Indian imperialism by the JVP. The IPKF was not prepared to leave Sri Lanka but they found no one on their side either militarily or politically except the EPRLF which could not assert its political independence .The IPKF was militarily vulnerable and politically isolated. The LTTE also fought against the Indian Army in the North and East until the IPKF was finally withdrawn from Sri Lanka by the end 1989. President Premadasa who was elected as President after Jayewardene had provided weapons to Tamil Tigers secretly to fight against the IPKF. His political naivety in trusting the LTTE was disastrous and his misjudgment was probably driven by his desire for regaining Sri Lanka's sovereignty. Later on 1 May in 1993, the LTTE assassinated President Premadasa in Colombo. Rajiv Gandhi had also become a victim of a LTTE suicide bomber in Tamil Nadu in 1991. India had her own bitter lessons in the destructive nature of Sri Lankan politics. Nevertheless, they remained vocal in support of the devolution of power to the North and East. At the same time the militant groups also learnt their bitter lessons. They could not go beyond India political interests and never agreed for a separatist political solution to the Sri Lanka's ethnic issue. When the LTTE refused to accept a solution based on the 13th amendment India committed its troops to fight against the LTTE. Even after the IPKF withdrawal the Indian influence on Sri Lankan politics has not diminished. The Indo-Lanka Agreement signed in 1987 and its political objectives of devolution of power still drive our political process and this will continue in the foreseeable future and beyond. The Indo-Lanka Agreement and its political proposals have made a lasting impact on the issues of political democracy and pluralism despite the bitter and destructive civil war it generated in both communities in the country. Closing the rearguard Closing down the Indian rearguard is primarily a political act .The Indian request for the devolution power to the Tamil community in Sri Lanka is a prerequisite in this endeavour. Unless Sri Lanka is prepared to do their bit, the political closure of the Tamil Nadu support for a separate state in the North and East will not simply go away. Even after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi the Tamil Tigers were able to get the support in order to get the war going against Sri Lanka. However following the defeat of the Tigers a political solution to the Tamil community will offer a greater capacity for India to close down the rearguard in Tamil Nadu. India has assured the Sri Lankan State time and again that it will respect Sri Lanka's territorial integrity to allay the Sri Lankan fears and to encourage political devolution of power. However, the Sri Lankan leadership so far has not made a firm commitment to devolution despite the Indian assurances. The problem has been the lack of political courage and imagination on the part of the Sri Lankan leadership to overcome the opposition by the Sinhalese chauvinist political forces in implementing a package of devolution to the Tamil community in the North and East. As long as a solution is not offered the external threat of political interference remains and that will continue to destabilize Sri Lanka. India will bring up the issue again and again as it has done so far at the diplomatic front. This will encourage the Tamil community to action as they realize in their day to day existence that the Indian diplomacy is morally and politically correct and India has been advancing solutions to their grievances since the Eelam war has begun. It is politically ironic and nationally embarrassing in a democracy when your neighbor has taken up the issue of political democracy on behalf of a community that lives within your own political borders. When the Indian diplomacy is exhausted the Indian rearguard will re-emerge even without the Indian patronage. This is a vicious cycle that Sri Lanka cannot politically and militarily afford experience again. The Sri Lankan political leadership needs to understand that the defeating the LTTE is not going to resolve the democratic rights issue and we need to address it not simply because of the Indian concerns but because the devolution of power is morally and politically correct .We need to be realists and India is our powerful neighbour. Given the regional political balance of forces and the political history of ours we need India on our side. Political stability in Sri Lanka would benefit both India as well as Sri Lanka. Conclusion The LTTE's comprehensive military defeat at the hands of the Sri Lankan military has taken us back to the fundamental political issue that is the test of our resolve and courage to offer a reasonable political solution to the Tamil grievances. When this was not forthcoming India redefined its role as Sri Lankas neighbour. The Indian intervention in Sri Lankan politics through the Indian rearguard and the shadow of its long arm should be dislodged .However, in order to remove this Sri Lanka should act in a way that it fulfils the democratic aspirations of the Tamil community within a united Sri Lanka. The devolution of power through the 13th amendment will be a basic democratic requirement in this exercise. Our sovereignty as a democratic nation will be safer only when we resolve the Tamil community's grievances. In the absence of a political solution, will the history repeat itself? Time will tell. Courtesy Groundviews |
[edit] See also
- Sri Lankan Tamil people
- Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora
- List of Sri Lankan Tamils in India
- Sri Lankans in India
- Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka
[edit] References
- ^ http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers29%5Cpaper2857.html
- ^ http://www.joshuaproject.net/peopctry.php?rog3=IN&rop3=109305
- ^ http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Lankan+Tamils+in+TN+going+home+soon&artid=Dol4hTJ/xqM=&SectionID=vBlkz7JCFvA=&MainSectionID=vBlkz7JCFvA=&SEO=lanka,+tamils,+IDPs,+TN,+tamil+nadu&SectionName=EL7znOtxBM3qzgMyXZKtxw==
- ^ http://www.rediff.com/news/apr/14lanka.htm
- ^ http://sundaytimes.lk/100110/News/nws_80.html
- ^ http://www.pucl.org/Topics/International/2006/refugees-srilanka-report.html
- ^ http://sundaytimes.lk/100110/News/nws_80.html
- ^ http://www.rediff.com/news/apr/14lanka.htm
- ^ http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2009/11/focus-on-sri-lankan-tamil-refugees.html
- ^ http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/uncategorized/close-watch-on-sri-lankan-repatriates-in-kerala_100195852.html
- ^ http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers29%5Cpaper2857.html
- ^ http://www.ujaen.es/huesped/rae/articulos2007/acharya0907.pdf
- ^ http://blog.taragana.com/law/2009/09/28/give-indian-citizenship-to-tamil-refugees-ravi-shankar-13200/
- ^ http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2004/03/29/stories/2004032900220300.htm
- ^ http://www.ceylontamils.com/search/family.php?individualID=11174
- ^ http://www.s-asian.cam.ac.uk/Handlist_J.htm
- ^ http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2004/03/29/stories/2004032900220300.htm
- Refugee Studies Centre (1996-01-01). Srilankan Tamil refugees in India : a journey without end. INDIA: Refugee Studies Centre.
- Refugee Studies Centre (Rejiigw, Vol. 13, No. 3 (June 1993)). Srilankan Tamil refugees in India. INDIA: Refugee Studies Centre.
[edit] External links
- Sri Lankan Tamil refugees stage hunger strike
- OFERR
- Sri Lankan refugees
[hide]
v • d • e
Sri Lankan diaspora
Africa
Kenya · Libya · Mauritius · Réunion · South Africa (Tamil South Africans)
* Americas
Bermuda · Canada (Tamil Canadians) · United States (Tamil American)
Asia
Brunei · Burma · India (Sri Lankan Tamils in India) · Japan · Kuwait · Malaysia (Tamil Malaysians) · Maldives · Oman · Philippines · Qatar · Russia · Saudi Arabia · Singapore · South Korea · Thailand · United Arab Emirates
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See also
Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora
-
India – Sri Lanka relations
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, searchIndo-Sri Lankan relations India Sri Lanka Bilateral relations between the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the Republic of India have been generally friendly, but were controversially affected by the Sri Lankan civil war and by the failure of Indian intervention during the war. India is the only neighbour of Sri Lanka, separated by the Palk Strait; both nations occupy a strategic position in South Asia and have sought to build a common security umbrella in the Indian Ocean.[1]
The two largest ethnic groups of Sri Lanka are Sinhala and Tamil.
Contents
[hide][edit] Development of bilateral relations
India and Sri Lanka established diplomatic relations when the latter gained its independence in 1948. Both nations proceeded to establish extensive cultural, commercial, strategic and defence ties to establish a common sphere of influence in the region, adopting non-alignment to control Western and Soviet influence.[2] The close relationship between the then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and then-Sri Lankan Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike led to the development of strong bilateral relations.[2] In 1971, Indian armed forces helped squash a Communist rebellion against the Sri Lankan government.[1]
[edit] Indian intervention in the Sri Lankan civil war
Main articles: Indian Peace Keeping Force and Indo-Sri Lanka AccordIn the 1970s-1980s, private entities and elements in the state government of Tamil Nadu were believed to be encouraging the funding and training for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a separatist insurgent force.[2][3].In 1987, faced with growing anger amongst its own Tamils, and a flood of refugees,[4] India intervened directly in the conflict for the first time after the Sri Lankan government attempted to regain control of the northern Jaffna region by means of an economic blockade and military assaults, India supplied food and medicine by air and sea. After subsequent negotiations, India and Sri Lanka entered into an agreement. The peace accord assigned a certain degree of regional autonomy in the Tamil areas with Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) controlling the regional council and called for the Tamil militant groups to lay down their arms. Further India was to send a peacekeeping force, named the IPKF to Sri Lanka to enforce the disarmament and to watch over the regional council.[2][5][6][7]
Even though the accord was signed between the governments of Sri Lanka and India, with the Tamil Tigers and other Tamil militant groups not having a role in the signing of the accord[8], most Tamil militant groups accepted this agreement,[9] the LTTE rejected the accord because they opposed the candidate, who belonged to another militant group named Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), for chief administrative officer of the merged Northern and Eastern provinces[6]. Instead the LTTE named three other candidates for the position. The candidates proposed by the LTTE were rejected by India.[10] The LTTE subsequently refused to hand over their weapons to the IPKF.[8]
The result was that the LTTE now found itself engaged in military conflict with the Indian Army, and launched their first attack on an Indian army rations truck on October 8, killing five Indian para-commandos who were on board by strapping burning tires around their necks.[11] The government of India then decided that the IPKF should disarm the LTTE by force,[11] and the Indian Army launched number of assaults on the LTTE, including a month-long campaign dubbed Operation Pawan to win control of the Jaffna peninsula from the LTTE. When the IPKF engaged the LTTE, the then president of Sri Lanka, Ranasinghe Premadasa, began supporting LTTE and funded LTTE with arms[6]. During the warfare with the ltte IPKF was also alleged for human rights violation against the civilians. Notably, IPKF was alleged to have perpetrated Jaffna teaching hospital massacre which was the killing of over 70 civilians including patients, doctors and nurses.[12] The ruthlessness of this campaign, and the Indian army's subsequent anti-LTTE operations made it extremely unpopular amongst many Tamils in Sri Lanka.[13][14]. The conflict between the LTTE and the Indian Army left over 1,000 Indian soldiers dead.[1][2]
The Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, which had been unpopular amongst Sri Lankans for giving India a major influence, now became a source of nationalist anger and resentment as the IPKF was drawn fully into the conflict. Sri Lankans protested the presence of the IPKF, and the newly-elected Sri Lankan president Ranasinghe Premadasa demanded its withdrawal, which was completed by March 1990.[2]. on May 21, 1992, Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated and the LTTE was alleged to be the perpetrator. As a result India declared the LTTE to be a terrorist outfit in 1992. Bilateral relations improved in the 1990s and India supported the peace process but has resisted calls to get involved again.[15] India has also been wary of and criticised the extensive military involvement of Pakistan in the conflict, accusing the latter of supplying lethal weaponry and encouraging Sri Lanka to pursue military action rather than peaceful negotiations to end the civil war.[16]
[edit] Commercial ties
India and Sri Lanka are member nations of several regional and multilateral organisations such as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), South Asia Co-operative Environment Programme, South Asian Economic Union and BIMSTEC, working to enhance cultural and commercial ties. Since a bilateral free trade agreement was signed and came into effect in 2000, Indo-Sri Lankan trade rose 128% by 2004 and quadrupled by 2006, reaching USD 2.6 billion.[17][18] Between 2000 and 2004, India's exports to Sri Lanka in the last four years increased by 113%, from USD 618 million to $1,319 million while Sri Lankan exports to India increased by 342%, from $44 million to USD $194 million.[17] Indian exports account for 14% of Sri Lanka's global imports. India is also the fifth largest export destination for Sri Lankan goods, accounting for 3.6% of its exports.[17] Both nations are also signatories of the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA). Negotiations are also underway to expand the free trade agreement to forge stronger commercial relations and increase corporate investment and ventures in various industries.[18]
India's National Thermal Power Corp (NTPC) is also scheduled to build a 500 MW thermal power plant in Sampoor (Sampur). The NTPC claims that this plan will take the Indo-Srilankan relationship to new level.[19]
[edit] Fishermen Issue
There have been several incidents of firing on Indian fishermen fishing in Palk Bay.Indian Government has always taken up the issue of safety of Indian fishermen on a priority basis with the Government of Sri Lanka. Presently there is no bona fide Indian fisherman in the Sri Lankan custody. A Joint Working Group (JWG) has been constituted to deal with the issues related to Indian fishermen straying in Sri Lankan territorial waters, work out modalities for prevention of use of force against them and the early release of confiscated boats and explore possibilities of working towards bilateral arrangements for licensed fishing. The JWG last met in Jan 2006.
[edit] Development Cooperation
India is active in a number of areas of development activity in Sri Lanka. About one-sixth of the total development credit granted by GOI is made available to Sri Lanka.
Lines of credit: In the recent past three lines of credit were extended to Sri Lanka: US$ 100 million for capital goods, consumer durables, consultancy services and food items, US$ 31 million for supply of 300,000 MT of wheat and US$ 150 million for purchase of petroleum products. All of these lines of credit have been fully utilized. Another line of credit of US$ 100 million is now being made available for rehabilitation of the Colombo-Matara railway.
A number of development projects are implemented under 'Aid to Sri Lanka' funds. In 2006-07, the budget for 'Aid to Sri Lanka' was Rs 28.2 Crs.
Small Development Projects: A MoU on Cooperation in Small Development Projects has been signed. Projects for providing fishing equipments to the fishermen in the East of Sri Lanka and solar energy aided computer education in 25 rural schools in Eastern Sri Lanka are under consideration.
Health Projects: We have supplied medical equipments to hospitals at Hambantota and Point Pedro, supplied 4 state of the art ambulances to the Central Province, implemented a cataract eye surgery programme for 1500 people in the Central Province and implemented a project of renovation of OT at Dickoya hospital and supplying equipment to it.
The projects under consideration are: Construction of a 150-bed hospital at Dickoya, upgradation of the hospital at Trincomalee and a US$ 7.5 million grant for setting up a Cancer Hospital in Colombo.
Education Projects: Upgradation of the educational infrastructure of the schools in the Central province including teachers' training, setting up of 10 computer labs, setting up of 20 e-libraries (Nenasalas), Mahatma Gandhi scholarship scheme for +2 students and setting up of a vocational training centre in Puttalam. India also contributes to the Ceylon Workers Education Trust that gives scholarships to the children of estate workers.
Training: A training programme for 465 Sri Lankan Police officers has been commenced in Dec 2005. Another 400 Sri Lankan Police personnel are being trained for the course of 'Maintenance of Public Order'.
[edit] External links
- Common gods, shared values thread India, Sri Lanka together
[edit] References
- ^ a b c India's Sri Lankan scars
- ^ a b c d e f India - Sri Lanka
- ^ [1]
- ^ "Tamil Militant Groups". Sri Lanka: A Country Study. 1988. http://countrystudies.us/sri-lanka/72.htm. Retrieved 2007-05-02.
- ^ The Peace Accord and the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Hennayake S.K. Asian Survey, Vol. 29, No. 4. (April 1989), pp. 401-415.
- ^ a b c Stokke, K.; Ryntveit, A.K. (2000). "The Struggle for Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka". A Journal of Urban and Regional Policy 31 (2): 285–304. doi:10.1111/0017-4815.00129.
- ^ Weisman, Steven R. (5 June 1987). "INDIA AIRLIFTS AID TO TAMIL REBELS". STEVEN R. WEISMAN (New York Times). http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?sec=health&res=9B0DE0D8173FF936A35755C0A961948260&n=Top%2fNews%2fWorld%2fCountries%20and%20Territories%2fIndia. Retrieved 2010-05-05.
- ^ a b Hellmann-rajanayagam, D. (1994). The Tamil Tigers: Armed Struggle for Identity. Franz Steiner Verlag.
- ^ O'Ballance, 91
- ^ O'Ballance, p.94
- ^ a b O'Ballance, p.100
- ^ Somasundaram, D. (1997). "Abandoning jaffna hospital: Ethical and moral dilemmas". Medicine, Conflict and Survival 13 (4): 333–347. doi:10.1080/13623699708409357.
- ^ "Statistics on civilians affected by war from 1974 - 2004". NESOHR. http://nesohr.org/human-rights-reports/StatisticsOnCiviliansAffectedByWar.pdf?PHPSESSID=8204ff9bfa58e205f71a95c3899f8835. Retrieved 2007-01-30.
- ^ "History of the Organisation". University Teachers for Human Rights. http://www.uthr.org/history.htm.
- ^ India rules out Sri Lanka help
- ^ The Pakistani muscle behind Colombo
- ^ a b c FTA pushes up India, Lanka Trade by 128%
- ^ a b India, Sri Lanka aim to Broaden Free-Trade Agreement
- ^ India's Sri Lanka power project runs into Tamil storm
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Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Lankan_Tamils_in_India"
Categories: Tamil diaspora | Sri Lankan Tamil society | Refugees in India
15 July 2010 Last updated at 14:34 GMTFormer Sri Lanka rebels 'abused in detention'
By Swaminathan Natarajan BBC Tamil serviceThousands of former rebels are being held in camps across northern Sri LankaFormer Tamil Tiger rebels detained in Sri Lanka say they have been ill-treated in government camps with no basic facilities.
In letters and phone calls to BBC Tamil, ex-militants say they have been "tortured and beaten" in the centres.
They accuse camp guards of being corrupt and demanding bribes before releasing detainees.
The government says all those being held in custody following the end of the war are being well cared for.
Sri Lanka After War
It has consistently refused to allow any kind of independent investigation into allegations of human rights abuses in the final weeks leading up to the end of the war in May 2009.
Recently President Mahinda Rajapaksa said that "not even a single civilian was killed" during the conflict.
But human rights groups say thousands were killed or injured towards the end of the fighting and in the war's immediate aftermath.
Unsanitary conditions"Military officers often call us dogs - even if we don't shave for a day we are beaten up badly," said one of the letters, which was written by a detainee being held at a Tamil school in Vavuniya.
Continue reading the main story"Start Quote
Instead of writing letters to the BBC in London, ask them to write to me and I will look into it"
"The detainees are forced to bear the expenses for electricity and cleaning charges," continued the letter.
"If we say we don't have money, they threaten to transfer us to the notorious Boossa prison."
Another letter said: "We don't know whether we will be released or... shot."
The claims - mostly made in letters to BBC Tamil but sometimes in telephone interviews - are difficult to verify as there is no direct access to the camps.
It is estimated that some 10,000 Tamil Tigers either surrendered or were captured at the end of the war; many of them remain confined.
Some of the camps are located in military bases, others in schools and colleges.
The government refuses to allow journalists, aid agencies and the UN to visit these camps - but in most cases, relatives are allowed to see their loved ones.
Their accounts and the letters written by those being held all speak of unsanitary conditions and shortages of water.
The government says it is giving technical and vocational training to the detained cadres to make them more employable. Detainees say "no meaningful training" has so far been provided.
'Disappearances'One letter written by a woman from the eastern town of Trincomalee said some young detainees had been "beaten black and blue".
The Tamil Tigers were defeated in May 2009"Some are hanged upside down," she wrote. "Some are made to lie down in the floor and beaten with belts and sticks. They don't take the injured to hospital."
Others accuse the authorities of providing no information on the whereabouts of their loved ones and of orchestrating "disappearances" from the detention centres.
They say that detainees taken away for questioning have not returned and no-one knows what has happened to them.
But these claims too have been strenuously denied by the government.
"I have visited Jaffna, Killinochi and Vavuniya where I met many people - including wives and relatives of the detainees," Rehabilitation Minister DEW Gunasekera told the BBC.
"No one made any complaints to me.
"Instead of writing letters to the BBC in London, ask them to write to me and I will look into it."
The minister said 3,000 people had been released from the camps in the past year and 8,000 former rebels - including 600 women and 1,300 men classified as "hardcore fighters" - remained in custody.
"Overall I would say we have been very magnanimous," added Mr Gunasekera.
More on This Story
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Indo-Sri Lanka Accord
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, searchWikisource has original text related to this article: [show] Sri Lankan Conflict
1976 - 2009Background Sri Lanka · History of Sri Lanka Origins of the Civil War Origins of the Civil War · Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism · Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism · Riots · Black July Main phases Eelam War I · Indian intervention · Eelam War II · Eelam War III · Eelam War IV LTTE LTTE · Black Tigers · Attacks · Expulsion of Muslims Military of Sri Lanka Military of Sri Lanka · Attacks Major leaders M. Rajapaksa · V. Prabhakaran · Karuna · S. Chandrakanthan · G. Rajapaksa · Sarath Fonseka Indian involvement Operation Poomalai · Indo-Sri Lanka Accord · Indian Peace Keeping Force · Operation Pawan · Rajiv Gandhi · RAW See also Battles · Casualties · Human rights · War crimes · Allegations of state terror · Notable assassinations · Child soldiers · Disappearances · Tamil militant groups (List) · TMVP · 2009 Tamil diaspora protests The Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord was an accord signed in Colombo on July 29, 1987, between Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayewardene. The accord was expected to resolve the ongoing Sri Lankan civil war. Under the terms of the agreement,[1][2] Colombo agreed to a devolution of power to the provinces, the Sri Lankan troops were to be withdrawn to their barracks in the north and the Tamil rebels were to surrender their arms. [3][4]
Importantly however,the Tamil groups, notably the LTTE (which at the time was one of the strongest Tamil forces) had not been made party to the talks and initially agreed to surrender their arms to the IPKF only reluctantly. Within a few months however, this flared into an active confrontation. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) declared their intent to continue the armed struggle for an independent Tamil Eelam and refused to disarm. The Indian Peace-Keeping Force found itself engaged in a bloody police action against the LTTE. Further complicating the return to peace was a burgeoning Sinhalese insurgency in the south.
Contents
[hide][edit] Sri Lankan Civil War
Main article: Sri Lankan Civil WarSri Lanka, from the early part of the 1980s, was facing an increasingly violent ethnic strife. The origins of this conflict can be traced to the independence of the island from Britain in 1948 . At the time, a Sinhala majority government was instituted which passed legislation that were deemed discriminatory against the substantial Tamil minority population. In the 1970s, two major Tamil parties united to form the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) that started agitation for a separate state of Tamil Eelam within the system in a federal structure in the north and eastern Sri Lanka[5] that would grant the Tamils greater autonomy. However, enactment of the sixth amendment of the Sri Lankan Constitution in August 1983 classified all separatist movements as unconstitutional,[6] effectively rendering the TULF ineffective.[6] Outside the TULF, however, factions advocating more radical and militant courses of action soon emerged, and the ethnic divisions started flaring into a violent civil war.[5]
[edit] Indian Involvement
See also: Operation PoomalaiIndia had, initially under Indira Gandhi[7][8]and later under Rajiv Gandhi, provided support to Tamil interests from the very conception of the secessionist movement. This included providing sanctuary to the separatists, as well as support the operations training camps for Tamil guerrillas in Tamil Nadu[9] of which the LTTE emerged as the strongest force. This was both as a result of a large Tamil community in South India, as well as India's regional security and interests which attempted to reduce the scope of foreign intervention, especially those linked to the United States, Pakistan, and China.[9] To this end, the Indira Gandhi Government sought to make it clear to the Sri Lankan President, Jayewardene that armed intervention in support of the Tamil movement was an option India would consider if any diplomatic solutions should fail.[9] Following the anti-Tamil riots, the Tamil rebel movement grew progressively strong and increasingly violent. However,after Indira Gandhi's assassination, the Indian support for the militant movement decreased. However, the succeeding Rajiv Gandhi government attempted to re-establish friendly relations with its neighbours. It still however maintained diplomatic efforts to find a solution to the conflict as well as maintaining covert aid to the Tamil rebels.[9] [10]
[edit] Operation Liberation
From 1985 however, the Sri-Lankan Government started rearming itself extensively for its anti-insurgent role with support from Pakistan, Israel, Singapore and South Africa.[9][11] In 1986, the campaign against the insurgency was stepped up and in 1987, retaliating an increasingly bloody insurgent movement, Operation Liberation was launched against LTTE strongholds in Jaffna Peninsula, involving nearly four thousand troops, supported by helicopter gunships as well as Ground attack aircraft.[9] In June 1987, the Sri Lankan Army laid siege on the town of Jaffna.[12] As civilian casualties grew[13][14], calls grew within India to intervene in what was increasingly seen in the Indian (and Tamil) media as a developing humanitarian crisis, especially with reports use of aerial support against rebel positions in civilian areas[15][14]. India, which had a substantial Tamil population in South India faced the prospect of a Tamil backlash at home, called on the Sri Lankan government to halt the offensive in an attempt to negotiate a political settlement.
[edit] Operation Poomalai
However, the Indian efforts were futile. Added to this, in the growing involvement of Pakistani and Israeli advisors, it was necessary for Indian interest to mount a show of force.[9] Failing to negotiate an end to the crisis with Sri Lanka, India announced on 2 June 1987 that it would send a convoy of unarmed ships to northern Sri Lanka to provide humanitarian assistance[16]but this was intercepted by the Sri Lankan Navy and turned back.[17]
Following the failure of the naval mission, the decision was made by the Indian government to mount an airdrop of relief supplies in support of rebel forces over the besieged city of Jaffna. On 4 June 1987, in a blatant show of force, the Indian Air Force mounted Operation Poomalai in broad daylight. Five An-32s of the Indian Air Force under cover of heavily armed Indian fighter jets flew over Jaffna to airdrop 25 tons of supplies, all the time keeping well within the range of Sri Lankan radar coverage. At the same time the Sri Lankan Ambassador to New Delhi was summoned to the Foreign Office to be informed by the Minister External Affairs, K. Natwar Singh, of the ongoing operation. It was also indicated to the Ambassador that if the operation was in any way hindered by Sri Lanka, India would launch a full-force military retaliation against Sri Lanka.[18] The ultimate aim of the operation was both to demonstrate the credibility of the Indian option of active intervention to the Sri Lankan Government, as a sympbolic act of support for the Tamil Rebels, as well to preserve Rajiv Gandhi's credibility.[19]
Faced with the possibility of an active Indian intervention and facing an increasingly war-weary population at home[20], the Sri Lankan President, J. R. Jayewardene, offered to hold talks with the Rajiv Gandhi government on future moves.[12] The siege of Jaffna was soon lifted, followed by a round of negotiations that led to the signing of the Indo-Sri-Lankan accord on July 29, 1987[21] that brought a temporary truce. The terms of the truce specified that the Sri Lankan troops withdraw from the north and the Tamil rebels disarm,[3] and saw the induction of the IPKF as a peace keeping force in Sri Lanka.
[edit] The Peace Accord
Main article: IPKFAmong the salient points of the agreement,[4] the Sri Lankan Government made a number of concessions to Tamil demands, which included[1][2] Colombo devolution of power to the provinces, merger (subject to later referendum) of the northern and eastern provinces, and official status for the Tamil language.[4] More immediately, Operation Liberation — the successful, ongoing anti-insurgent operation by Sri Lankan forces in the Northern peninsula — was ended. Sri Lankan troops were to withdraw to their barracks in the north, the Tamil rebels were to disarm.[3] India agreed to end support for the Tamil separatist movement and recognise the unity of Sri Lanka.[4] The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord also underligned the commitment of Indian military assistance on which the Indian Peace Keeping Force came to be inducted into Sri Lanka.
In 1990, India withdrew the last of its forces from Sri Lanka, and fighting between the LTTE and the government resumed. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and government forces committed serious human rights violations against one another.
In January 1995, the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam agreed to a cease fire as a preliminary step in a government-initiated plan for peace negotiations. After 3 months, however, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam unilaterally resumed hostilities.
The government of Sri Lanka then adopted a policy of military engagement with the Tigers, with government forces liberating Jaffna from LTTE control by mid-1996 and moving against LTTE positions in the northern part of the country called the Vanni. An LTTE counteroffensive, begun in October 1999, reversed most government gains; and by May 2000, threatened government forces in Jaffna. Heavy fighting continued into 2001.
[edit] References
- ^ a b ETHNIC POLITICS AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM: THE INDO-SRI LANKAN ACCORD. Marasinghe M.L. Int Compa Law Q.Vol. 37. p551-587
- ^ a b Sri Lanka: The Untold Story Chapter 35: Accord turns to discord
- ^ a b c New Delhi & the Tamil Struggle. The Indo Sri Lanka Agreement. Satyendra N. Tamil Nation
- ^ a b c d Text of the Peace accord.Tamil Nation
- ^ a b Location of Sri Lanka
- ^ a b The Peace Accord and the Tamils in Sri Lanka.Hennayake S.K. Asian Survey, Vol. 29, No. 4. (Apr., 1989), pp. 401-415.
- ^ India's search for power:Indira Gandhi's Foreign Policy.1966-1982. Mansingh S. New Delhi:Sage 1984. p282
- ^ A commission, before it proceeded to draw up criminal proceedings against others, must recommend Indira Gandhi's posthumous prosecution Mitra A. Rediff on Net
- ^ a b c d e f g India's Regional Security Doctrine. Hagerty D.T. Asian Survey, Vol. 31, No. 4. (Apr., 1991), pp. 351-363
- ^ Research and Analysis Wing. Fas.org
- ^ The Colombo Chill. Bobb D.India Today.March 31.1986. p95.
- ^ a b India Airlifts Aid to Tamil Rebels", The New York Times. 5 June 1987
- ^ Sri Lanka in 1987: Indian Intervention and Resurgence of the JVP. Pfaffenberger B. Asian Survey, Vol. 28, No. 2, A Survey of Asia in 1987: Part II. (Feb., 1988), pp. 139
- ^ a b India Enters; The Airdrop and the L.T.T.E.'s Dilemma.
- ^ Growth of Sri Lankan Tamil Militancy in Tamil Nadu.Chapter I - Phase II (1987–1988). Jain Commission Interim Report
- ^ "Indians To Send convoy to Sri Lanka", The New York Times. 2 June 1987
- ^ "Indian Flotilla is turned back by Sri Lankan Naval Vessels", The New York Times. 4 June 1987
- ^ "Indian Air Force in Sri Lanka.Operation Poomalai - The Jaffna Food drop." Bharat-rakshak.com
- ^ "Operation Poomalai - India Intervenes" Bharat-rakshak.com
- ^ Sri Lanka's Ethnic Conflict: The Indo-Lanka Peace Accord Ralph R. Premdas; S. W. R. de A. Samarasinghe Asian Survey, Vol. 28, No. 6. (Jun., 1988), pp. 676-690.
- ^ Background Note: Sri Lanka. U.S Dept. of State
[edit] External links
- Tigers go back to Indo-Lanka accord for federal state
- Muslims have a Case in Sri Lanka
- Indo-Sri Lanka trade: Hype and reality
- SRI LANKA: THE UNTOLD STORY Chapter 35: Accord turns to discord
- PEACE PROCESS IN SRI LANKA --- WITH AND WITHOUT MEDIATION
- ETHNIC PEACE ACCORDS AND ETHNIC CONFLICT RESOLUTION: A SURVEY
- Dr. PC Alexander, former Principal Secretary of Rajiv Gandhi - bares it all on the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987
- "Peace for all with equal rights"Minister
- Indo-Lanka Accord
- Wickremesinghe Apprises I K Gujral of Stalled Peace Process in Sri Lanka
- Tiger Rebels are either black or white but not both
- SLFP to discuss peace process with Indian leaders
- PEACE PROCESS IN SRI-LANKA
- TIGERS, 'MODERATES' AND PANDORA'S PACKAGE
- The road ahead
- When guns cease to fire
- LTTE to take Indo-Lankan accord in peace bid
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