Noakhali Victims and Persecution Infinite

Noakhali Victims and Persecution Infinite



Indian Holocaust My father`s Life and Time- SEVENTEEN


Palash Biswas



I am born Indian. I will die an Indian.



Looking back to my childhood, we never imagined to be discriminated or persecuted! Those were glorious days of sixties full of National enthusiasm of a new born republic. Only disturbing element was the disturbances in North East and Kashmir along with Assam anti Bengali Riots. I felt the heat of the ethnic tension as my father, Pulin Babu worked to rehbilitate the Victims in Assam. Later, Chhotokaka went there to help the Bengali Refugees in affairs of medical care. In 1964, Didima, the lady from the Orakandi Thakur Bari migrated from East Pakistan and landed at our home for a shelter in her only daughter , my Jethima`s family.



Barring those memories, we never understood the phenomenon of persecution anywhere in this world. Though I as a child used to visit extensively the refugee colonies, Bengali as well as Sikh and encountered the Partion victioms with experiences of the Holocaust. But I believed it was a bad dream. I hoped that the memories of another day may not haunt our generation. We grew on that line. In 1984, after Operation Blue Star, I really understood the meaning of Ethnic Hatred. Later, in eighties living and working as a professional journalist in Meerut I witnessed the horror of being amidst Holocaust with experiences like maliana and hashimpur Massacres. But I always believed that we partion victim refugees have crossed the Bleeding Rivers once for never again.

Reading `Exodus’ and `Mila 18’ by Leon Uris I came to feel the Jew Experiences. But I never expected to happen this with our lot.



It happened.



According to Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, Persecution is the active, systematic mistreatment of an individual or group by another group or individual. The most common forms are ethnic persecution, religious persecution, and political persecution, though there is naturally some overlap between these terms.



Persecution of Hindus refers to the religious persecution inflicted upon Hindus. Hindus have been historically persecuted during Islamic rule of the Indian subcontinent and during the Goa Inquisition. In modern times, Hindus in Kashmir, Pakistan and Bangladesh have also suffered persecution.



Rescued by Bapu, the resettled Noakhali victims face prosecution in Independent India, in the coastal areas of Orrissa.Though The birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the nation, is celebrated with reverence all over the country. He is the man who played a significant role in achiveing independence for India from the British Empire with his simplicity and strong will power.We have forgot the life and ideology of Bapu, thus the son of Biju Patnaik, a national leader himself, the Orrissa chief minister Naveen Patnaik sees to have no symapathy with the partition victims. I visited the cosatal area situated in the coastal area of Orrissa nearby Paradip, a dreamproject of Biju and sawthe agony which was shared by the father of the nation at the time when Punjab and Bengal was bleeding and New delhi celebrated with glittering the new found power for the caste Hindu Ruling classes.


The prime minister Dr Manmohan singh inaugruated the centenarycelebration of Bapu`s styagrah in South Afrika forgetting the partition victims and their plight. Gujrat leaders enjoyed Munnabhai Lage raho and Gandhigiri has overtaken Indian Politics as well as the ideology of Mohan Das Karam Chand Gandhi.


Lage Raho Munnabhai, the Bollywood blockbuster has reinvented Mahatma Gandhi for an entirely new generation of Indians. Munnabhai shows the way on screen, but can Gandhigiri work in real life.CNN-IBN Editor-in-Chief Rajdeep Sardesai, engaged the audience in a debate on Gandhi and Gandhigiri. A poll conducted some time ago found that 68 per cent said Gandhi’s ideals can work in real life India today, 19 per cent said they can’t work and 16 per cent were undecided.Gandhi was no emperor, not a military general, not a president nor a prime minister. He was neither pacifist nor a cult guru. Who was Gandhi ? If anything, Mohandas K. Gandhi was a constant experimenter. Spirituality, religion, self-reliance, health, education, clothing, drinks, medicine, child care, status of women, no field escaped his search for truth. His thoughts when appeared in the form of talk or article became official words of action with the masses of India. He was a man who did what he said and led an exemplary and a transparent life. Not many people can claim "My life is an open book". What the ruling classes do, it is quite evident if you care enough to understand the psyche of Noakhali victims residing in Kendrapara district of orrissa.


Gandhi's work in the Noakhali District of Bengal during 1946 and 1947 provides a good example of the Mahatma's delicate balance between despair and the faith of a saint. As he began his stay in Noakhali, he told a prayer meeting that "today I am going through the greatest test of my life. I am now to find if the road I follow is really the true road for the people of this country."40 The test of Noakhali brought Gandhi a combination of comfort and despair, for even as he realized the failure of the people to practice Ahimsa, he recognized the truth and power of non-violence.





It’s all very well for the Indian government to be hospitable and generous to refugees from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, but the ground reality is different. Settled in Orissa, the preferential treatment meted out to them by the government has become the cause of much resentment and bitterness among the locals. Partition victim all refugees from Punjab have not only rehabiliated , but they got Indian citizenship one and all. Most of the Bengali refugees, particularli who settled outside Bengal, are dalits, the lowest communities of Hindus in Bengal society. Bengal caste Hindu leadership had not been interested ever for their rehabiltiation or citizenship. Contrarily, the locals in different states have been much more sympathetic and helpful. As it is proved once again in Orrissa.The partition victim dalit refugees settled in Orrissa are being targetted and implicated most unlawfully and arbitrarily. Their sole offence is that they do spek in their mother tongue and that is Bengali. Majority of them possessed Voter`s Identity Card, Ration Card, Pand Card, Land reciept and most importantly Migration dispersal slipissued by Refugee Rehabilitation Directorate, Government of west Bengal dating back in 1956-57. These peole have availed benefits under various states and centre sponsored schemes erlier on the basis of refugee policy for partition victims in compliance with assurances given by the nationalleaders like Bapu, Nehru, Patel and Dr Rajendra Prasad. They are bonifide citizens in accordance with the citizenship Act of India, 1955, of a sovereign country. Most of them had to flee from Erswhile East Pakistan due to independence of two dominions called India and Pakistan, created by dividing Bengal and Punjab on the basis of two nation theory. The influx continued as population transfer on religious lines failed and minorities chose to stay on their motherland across the border., but political and religious prosecution continued.These Bengali refugees settled in the coastal areas of Orrissa are in possession of refugee resettlement documents issued by then labour ministery , Government of India. Hence, all dates of their migration and resettlement are clearly indiacated that they settled much before the cutt off date 16 December, 1971 fixed by government of India, erlier in 1956 to 1958. Most importantly the Oria speaking population, political parties and media stand united with them and support their claim for citizenship.



The road to Ramnagar begins from the link bridge on Kendrapara-Paradeep national highway.The road itself is the symbol of the backwardness of Mahakalpara Block which comprises of old Oria, Santhal and refugee colonies.I had to travel the route on a scooter, driven by a social activist, Ravindra Nath Sarkar. Kendrapara had experienced heavy floods some days ago. The national highway was damaged and it is still under repairing. Paddy fields were affected badly. It was raining interminnently for some days.There was no shelter in between.You have to take extra sets of clothes lest getting wet, you may not change. The route was quite dangerous for driving and I had to be careful to save my hanging leg which tended to get hurt anywhere.


Mind you, This entire population of Oria, Bengali and santhals have to face a common threat very soon as Mahakalpara is proposed to consist of Special Economic Zone to get oil for an American Multi National. Iron Ore Mines refugees are not settled as yet and further desettlement is imminent.Provided all refugees, the partition victims and the victims of industrialisation unite, what may come. Rmangar is a very old settlement which have Two Cyclone Shelters built after the super cyclone, 2004 among other things. It has got Bnak, Post Office, Highschool and local market ,too. The people are independent economically as they practice fishing on large scale. The river flowing side by side Rmanagra connects it to Bay of bengal. Even the Ramnagar people get Hilsa here. Paradeep is only six KM away in air distance.







I was amazed to discover all sixty familes settled and rehabiliated in adjoing BB colony are from Noakhali, the riot victims of 1946 and onwards. No less a personality, Bapu rushed to Noakhali to stop the riots.Saved by Bapu, the partition victims of Noakhali are once again prosecuted in Orrissa. Wonderful. I met some of the eyewitnesses of the Noakhali riots and have details of the nightmare. All the sixty families belong to Debnath community which is recognised in Orrissa as Debnath. Most of the Refugees settled in Ramnagar, Kharinasi, Baulakani, Batghara, Jamboo and other gram panchayats ogf Mahakal Para Block belong to Orrissa recognised scheduled caste Namoshudra. Others belong to another dalit community as per as namoshudra, the Pod Or apundras.Apart from Noakhali, they root in Jassore, Khulna, Barisal, Faridpur, all well known for the main base of Dalit Movement in undivided India.


Bengal had one of the worst records of communal riots before the Partition of the country. It was only in Bengal that the MuslimLeague succeeded in forming ``relatively'' stable ministries in
the two decades before the British quit in 1947. The refugee infux continued as the minority prosecution in Bangladesh never stopped. Continuous influx of refugees made the life of settled and rehabiliated refugees out of Bengal very miserable as they have not got citizenship as yet and the administration knows no way to distinguish an Indian citizen refugee and a bangladeshi National.In Ramnagar itself a lady migrated in 1957 have been served eviction notice.







None of the South Asian countries are party to the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees which currently is ratified by 134 nations. This may reflect the unwillingness of South Asian governments to submit to international scrutiny. Though India is not a party to the Refugee Convention, the general principle prohibiting forced repatriation called non- refoulement has risen to the level of customary law, such that they bind even non-signatories.


Since the matter (entry and regulation of aliens) falls under the Union List(3), the Central Government is empowered to deal with refugees. Traditionally, the Union Cabinet has made reactive decisions with each particular refugee influx, often taking action only when the particular refugee influx went beyond the control of the Border Security Force, and the matter became political. India thus lacks a cohesive national policy for handling refugee inflows. The lack of a national Indian policy limits the ability of the State governments and Border Security Force to deal with refugees instantly, resulting in mass rejections at the frontier while policy directions are awaited or non-recognition of refugees sneaking into Indian territory.


“Refugees should not be dealt with like outsiders; they should be treated like human beings,” said Mohammad Amin, chief of Adhikar, a state level NGO. Wherever they go, they adopt the norms of the local society, its culture and lifestyle. But Utkal Bangeeya Surakshya Samiti spokesman Vijoy Shukla told me at Ramnagar under Mahakalpara Block of Kendrapara district on 24th September, 2006, that all those persons served eviction notice and noted as bangladeshi nationals, have been omitted from the voters list for the coming Pnchayat elections. Besides many others have found their names deleted. He alleged that the Bengali refugges are being deprived of human rights as birth certificate, caste certificates, ration card, bpl card, domicile card are being denied. Shukla told that the samiti is planning to launch a fresh agitation.


A former sarpanch of Ramnagar, Bijoy Shukla, who witnessed the scene, found it really cruel and inhuman. With an uncertain future in store for the students on the deportation list, attendance at the school has also thinned.


It is not verylate, last year only, the bengali settlers in Orrissa from fifties began to get the notice to evict India within seven days.Mr Shukla said, the local Oria people, political parties and media stand united with the partion victims, but the ouster axe is likely to fall soon on more than 1,500 socalled illegal Bangladeshi migrants in Kendrapara district only.


The district administration claimed to have identified them in 2003 and sent a report to the government seeking permission for their deportation, said Kendrapara superintendent of police Dayal Gangwar in 12 th January , 2005, adding that most of the 1,551 illegal settlers are concentrated in Mahakalpada block of the district. We will issue eviction notices to all of them . We will forcibly deport them if they don`t leave on their own, Gangwar said. But Gangwar and the administration had to retreat on the face of stiff resistance from all quarters in Orrissa.Notices will be served on the illegal migrants by the respective block development officers, tehsildars and the police, he added.


The eviction notice was actually a government of Orrissa, home department order, dated 18.12.2004 issued from Bhuvneshwar. A copy of the eviction notice read as follows: ``In exercise of power conferred by clause (c) of sub Clause(2) of Section -3 of the Foreigners Act- 1946 (Act No.31 of 1946) read with notification No. 413/56(1) FI Dt 19.4.1958 of the government of India Ministery of Home affairs, New Delhi, the state government do hereby direct that Deepak sarkar s/o Paritosh, a Bangladeshi national at present residing in the District of Kendrapara, should quit India within 30 (thirty) days from date of service of this order on him ., failing which steps will be taken to deport him from India.


address: village -kharinasi, Tahsil- Mahakalpara, Dist- Kendrapara.
Signed by Deputy secretary to Government.
The act is used for the eviction is the Foreigners Act- 1946. At the time of the enactment of the Act neither India was independent nor divided. All persons divided in three soverein nations India, Pakistan and Bangldesh were the citizens of undivided India. How does the government use The British law which was passed without the actual event of partion, population transfer and refugee influx , refugee and rehabilitation policy of India, not to mention the assuarances by national leaders and its spirit.
Utkal Bangiya Surakshya samiti spokesman Shukla rightly said, `` the government had not any idea of the odd situation. Now they want to stip of all documents possesed by the refugees before any fresh action.
The initial survey, conducted in 2001, had revealed that more than 3,500 Bangladeshi nationals had settled in several coastal and interior districts of Orissa. Kendrapara alone accounts for than 2,300 migrants. In 2002, 25 Bangladeshi nationals were repatriated from Navrangpur district.The state has divided Bangladeshi nationals living into three categories. Those who came to Orissa before March 25, 1971 will not be deported. The cases of those who came between March 25, 1971 and December 16, 1971 have been referred to the central government for a decision, Gangwar said that time.We have initiated the deportation of those who arrived after December 16, 1971, he added. The government has deported 103 infiltrators between 1973 and 1993.





Kendrapara district collector Hemant Sharma said the administration will have to forcibly evict the migrants if they fail to comply with the state order.

In December 2004, the Supreme Court had issued notices to the Centre on the unchecked flow of Bangladeshi immigrants into the country after a public interest litigation by the India Image Foundation alleged that over 3 lakh migrants were entering India every year.The petition listed West Bengal as a major recipient of such immigrants. It also said the Assamese faced the danger of being reduced to a minority in their home state as Bangladeshi immigrants would soon outnumber them.


While the immediate reason for the current round of deportation drive seems to be the xenophobia sweeping through coastal Kendrapara, state government officials plead helplessness, citing repeated directives from the Union home ministry to deport illegal immigrants. Orissa`s home secretary, Santosh Kumar, who is supervising the cleansing process, denies any immediate provocation. Although these deportations are unlikely to solve the problem of illegal settlement, it has ensured cheap political dividends for the chief minister, Naveen Patnaik. Apart from endearing himself to the local people, he has managed to corner Congress legislator from Rajnagar, Nalini Mohanti. Traditionally, the Bengali-speaking majority here have been supporters of Mohanti.But even as the state government claims to be deporting illegal settlers, the fact remains that all the 1,551 who have been served eviction notice, are Hindu.







Mrityunjay Mandal is a third generation youngman, born and brought up in Orrissa. He is the Panchayat Pradhan for consecutively three terms. Mandal said, `` All registered refugees settled in the coastal areas of Orrissa, particularly in Kendrapara, migrated to India in 1950, 1953, 1954 and 1957. They were in the Charbetia Refugee camp near Cuttuck before resettlement.


Mandal added, ` Apart from agririan settlement, Bengali refugees were settled by government as small traders inBhuvneshwar, Puri, Cuttack, Baripada, Balasore, sambalpur, Brahmpur, Dhenkanel Anugul. The Charbetia refugees got settlment in Malkan Giri under dandyakaranya Project. Some of them got rehabilitation in different districts of Undivided UP and MP. Some got rehbilitation in Bhushandipur in six colonies adjoining the famous Chilka lake.


Mandal`s house is situated opposite the cyclone centre in Ramnagar. An idol of durga was in making and children were playing there unaware of their fate. I saw anothor cyclone centre near chhapauli where a school was run by lady teachers in the ground floor.


Pushpa, an aunt of Mandal has also been served eviction notice while she belonged to an alotee regitered resettler family which was shifted in Ramnagar from charbetia camp on 5th May , 1957, as the dispersal certificate from Charbetia Relief camp shows.. They migrated in 1956. She was married to a resident of west Bengal, an Indian citizen. She has got every document to support her claim for citizenship.


Mandal is grateful to the local people and political parties and media in general. He said, `All media people supported our genuine cause. All political parties and local people helped us to resist. Thus we stay here even today. Nalinikanti Mahanti, an ex minister and MLA for 25 years led us from front, he added. He organised a deputation to Prime minister Manmohan Singh, Congress President Mrs Sonia Gandhi , Home Minister in centre Shivraj Patil and Loksabha Speaker somnath Chatterjee.President of Utkal Pradesh congress committee Jaidev Jena, ex minister Srikant Jena and Malkangiri MLA Nimai sarkar met the netionalleaders. Chairman of Mahakalpara Panchayat Samiti Balram Pareeda led the local support.







I met Sanatan Debnath(90), Narayan Debnath(75), Sridam debnath(85), Rasmohan Debnath(80), Harendra Debnath(80),Lokmohan debnath(80),Nanibala Debnath w/o Krishnabandhu Debnath and others. Sanatan Debnath has lost his memory but walks himself, still bearing the injuries in his bleeding heart. I tried to talk to him in vain.His mother was seriously injured in Noakhali riots. All these persons belong to Sandeep island area of then Noakhali. Sandeep was later included in Chittagang after 1956. All these persons are eyewitnesses of Noakhali Riots in sandeep area. They recall Bapu`s visit in Noahkali but could not meet him as he did not visit Sndeep. ``In Sandeep riots my grandmother got a cut on her throat. She was absconding for several days but was found by fishermenand survived,’’ said the son of Sanatan Debnath, a teacher in the local highschool Dinesh Chandra Debnath. `` My parents fled from sandeep and took shelter in a safer place nearby Rahmatpur Village, in my maternal home which was under a different union area and protected by secular muslims. My mother was very beautiful.The riots broke in sandeep fair on Shiv Chaturdashi where a large number of females and children gathered. The rumours of riots in Kolkata and massacre of Muslims spred by seamen coming to the area agitated Muslims. They attacked the Hindus and chopped off many of the in the fair.”



Narhari debnath remembers everything with full details.`The riots was aftermath of direct action and following riots in kolkata, he said. Sailors returning from Kokata spred the rumour of Muslim Massacre and Noakhali was burnt’, He said. `It was a saturday. The miscreants attacked the Tiner badee of Dr Harinath and chopped him on the spot.In Kachhiapar he became the first victim. He was a resourceful and reputed man and his house was famous as godam Badee. It triggered the panic button as wanted. Then the secular Muslims reached the Sener Hat, the local Hat in sandeep and warned Hindus to flee to safer places. it worked.The Hat was immidiately deserted.Meanwhile the sky was lit up by large scale arson. The elder brother of Harinath Doctor escaped and he told the fleeing Hindus that petrol was used in the arson.Entire Sandeep area was burnt. Sandeep was victimised just for nothing.”`Lalmohan sen, a freedomfighter who particiapted in Chittagang revolt under the leadership of Master Surya sen, another reputed personality of sandeep was killed immidiately. His brother Bhushan was also assasinated. Bhushan was a piolot and he had to fly Kolkata next day. locals deserted sandeep and escaped to nearby Jungle. They reached Another union area Rahamatpur., ‘ he added.Now Sreedam Debnath told that the chairman of Rahmatpur Union area, Batam sardar was very powerful and secular, too. He challanged the rioters not to touch Hindus in his union area. He deployed his supporter Muslim youths to protect the Hindus.


Both the oldman said that Fazlul Haq visited sandeep before the riots.


Describing the atmosphere of Noakhali then, The old men said,` rioters were crying Zihad with the slogan- Alla Ho Akbar. The Batam Sardar supporters and Hindus answed with vande Mataram.Tension prevailed , but altogether Hindus were safe in Batam`s den. Hindus were not so fortunate in other areas. And Bapu had to go for rescue.Gandhi stayed for about four months in the riot stricken areas. He started moving around the villages and motivated the people towards his peaceful coexistence and non-violence philosophy. When Gandhiji came to Jayag on 29th January 1947 all sections of the local community extended him whole-hearted support.





At that time, Barrister Hemanta Kumar Ghosh of the village donated all his resources to Mahatma for the development and peace of the area and "Ambika Kaliganga Charitable Trust" was formed. The office of the Gandhi Peace Mission, formerly known as Gandhi Camp, was shifted to the present campus of Jayag. The Gandhi Camp started working for both peace and charitable functions and it continued till partition of India.


In Azimpur criminallawyer Presh Moktar was killed.


Shocked by Lalmohan and harinath`s death the people began singing a song remembering them since the very next days: RABIBARE DASHTAAR PARE AAMAARE GELI BACHHA CHHARIYAA
KAAL SHAMANE NILO RE KAARIAA
RAASTAYA CHHILO JATO BAAREE DEKHE KAANDE TATO NAAREE
KAATE KHANDO KHAND KARI MUKHE BALE HARI HARI
They were weeping while singing the old song with frail rythm and sound.I felt my heart wet wet, though it was not raining anywhere.





Till he lived, Kartik Manna, an unlettered Bengali fisherman in the Ramnagar village of Kendrapara`s Mahakalpada block, was never a cause for worry for the Orissa administration.
Now dead for the last ten years, Manna must leave for Bangladesh. Or so believe the mandarins in the Orissa police and state administration who have zeroed in on 1,551 people in Mahakalpada block for deportation. On January 16, a local police team knocked on the rickety doors of Manna?s hut and shoved a small piece of paper into his son Bhanu Manna?s grimy hands, asking him to ?quit India? within 30 days or face police arrest and subsequent handing over to the Border Security Force.Bhanu, 60, would have perhaps laughed off the notice as a cruel joke had it not been a deportation notice from the Kendrapara district administration. The police did not forget to give another notice for Bhanu`s dead wife, Surati.



What`s my fault? I am not a Bangaldeshi. I came from Midnapore district after the 1971 cyclone,? protests Bhanu. But in the sleepy fishing village of Ramnagar, Bhanu and his deceased family members are not the only ones who have been randomly selected for deportation. Over 600 toddlers, men and women in the area have been slapped such notices by the Kendrapara district administration since January 16, when the deportation move started.



Like several of his neighbours, Bhanu was not among the thousands of Hindu refugees who escaped Bangladesh during the liberation war and arrived in India before December 16, 1971. The people who came in after this date were branded illegal immigrants. There were others who crossed into India before December 16 but hung around other relief camps and trickled into the settlement camps only after the cut-off date. It is these people who have been targeted by the government from time to time.



Rani Haldar belongs to Goda village of Orissa’s Jagatasinghpur district, which was the worst hit by the killer super-cyclone in October 2000. She lost her husband, children and home. She is yet to recover from the trauma. She claims her forefathers have been staying in the village since 1943. They are not infiltrators. They belong to the area.



Kamini Khan (Roy) belongs to Raighar area of Nabarangpur district. His wife is a panchayat sarpanch. Although he came here as a refugee, he has now become a landlord and is reportedly the kingpin in clashes between local tribals and refugees of the area.



Aurobindo Dhali, Orissa’s then co-operation minister, hails from south Orissa’s tribal dominated Malkangiri district. He was in the centre of controversy consequent to his meeting with the West Bengal chief minister, who was seeking support for the cause of at least 400,000 Bengali settlers in Orissa, for the revival of their lost language. Dhali is reportedly a Bengali refugee, elected to the state assembly on a Bhartiya Janata Party ticket, and is allegedly fighting more for the cause of refugees than in the interest of the state.

\

Rani Haldar, Kamini Khan (Roy) and Aurobindo Dhali have created a furore over Orissa in the last two years because of their links with the refugee problem in the state. While no official figure is available, it is estimated that more than 700,000 refugees are living in various parts of Orissa. A majority of them are Bengali refugees, the rest are from Tibet, Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka.

The Bengali refugees have their own story to tell. After the formation of East Pakistan in 1948, thousands of Bengalis had left their homes to settle in India. After the formation of Bangladesh, in 1971, more Bengalis (both Hindu and Muslim) sought refuge in India. Some of them were rehabilitated in Dandakaranya forest range of South Orissa by the government of India in collaboration with the government of Orissa.



Apart from this, a large-scale influx of Bengali refugees, who have subsequently settled in coastal areas of the state, has raised many eyebrows. Besides engaging in marine and inland fishing and allied trades, they have illegally occupied coastal forestland and are responsible for the destruction of the coastal eco-system, complain some local residents of Jagatasinghpur district. The interception of illegal radio stations and the arrest of a few suspects in the Rajnagar block of Kendrapara district in May 2002 have brought to light the activities of infiltrators from Bangladesh and security breaches made in the vicinity of sensitive defence installations. It is suspected that ISI and other foreign intelligence networks have installed some transmission centres near Wheeler Island in the Bay of Bengal to get information regarding Chandipur missile testing range.

Orissa’s home department has identified for deportation 2,867 Bangladeshis in six districts – from Kendrapara, Malkangiri, Bhadrak, Nowrangpur, Jagatasinghpur and Sambalpur. 392 have been issued “Quit India” notices; 21 from Nowrangpur district were recently handed over to the border security forces in neighbouring West Bengal for deportation. The rest will be deported in a phased manner as the process of identification is still under way with several districts yet to submit their final lists. State home department sources said that in the past too, the state government has taken steps to deport illegal immigrants. About 102 Bangladeshi infiltrators were deported from 1973 to 1993. Meanwhile, the state director general of police, NC Padhi, recently said in Malkangiri that the list of the settlers has been submitted to the government and deportation will be undertaken only after a government decision.



Of late, a tug of war over immigrants between the ruling Biju Janta Dal (BJD) and Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has become sharper. BJP alleges that the identification for deportation is being made on communal lines, because Hindu refugees have not voted in favour of BJD and Congress. Dismissing this charge, a senior state government official said that all has been done as per a central government circular issued on 16 September 1997. The circular states: “Any Bangladeshi found to have settled in the state after 16 December 1971, will be deported after due inquiry and issue of “Quit India” notice as per Foreigner Act, 1946. While those who have entered the state between 25 March 1971 and 16 December 1971, will be referred to the government of India for a decision. The state government will not disturb any Bangladeshi, who had landed in India before 25 March 1971”.



Meanwhile, Dhali says that the state government has neglected the refugees’ lot. Refugees from Bangladesh who are now living in Malkangiri, Raighar and Umerkote areas should not be treated as infiltrators as they all came to India before December 1971. They have been here for the last 40 years and should be able to avail of all facilities and services, according to him. Dhali clarified further that following the announcement of the government of India through All India Radio, most Hindu refugees came here from East Pakistan after the partition and were rehabilitated by the union government in consultation with the state government in Malkangiri, Raighar, Umerkote, Kendrapara and Puri districts. In those days, the government had provided land, agriculture equipment and citizenship certificates in the names of the heads of their families. Now their families have expanded and they are facing a problem of citizenship, because teenagers were not issued with this certificate at that time. They have now been short-listed for deportations.

Interestingly, local politics has also taken an ugly shape -- those who were fighting against refugee ouster have now politically settled into various parties. As a result, the conflict owing to the refugee issue is gaining momentum, and both refugees and the tribal are victims of their ugly game. The “development” of refugees has concentrated on settled agriculture and their exposure to the market economy. The local tribal population’s shifting cultivation practices and lack of education has made them subservient to the refugee population, feels Dhirendra Tripathy, a Bhubaneswar-based social activist. The other issues, according to him, are large-scale deforestation of forest land and encroachment of tribal land. Local legislator Mamata Padhi charged that some Bengali refugee men are allegedly involved in false marriages with girls from local tribal and backward communities; later, these men desert the women they have married.

The deportation drive may be well-meaning, but its arbitrariness and utter cruelty have brought the process under a cloud of suspicion. Several of those on the deportation list have voter identity cards, PAN cards and BPL cards that prove their citizenship. Some of them even work in government offices. But the most absurd has been deportation notices to children, who should have been Indian citizens by birth. Sampad Sarkar, 35, who runs a small shop in Ramnagar has been served a notice while his wife, Jyotsna, and three-year-old son have been spared.

Similar despair has descended on other households. As men and women are erratically selected for deportation, families are disintegrating and hurtling towards penury. Gokul Bera, 34, along with his 74-year-old father, 58-year-old mother and 34-year-old wife, Arati have been asked to leave. And so their six children aged between two and 12, who were all born in Ramnagar. Gokul?s childhood friend, Krishnapada Mandal, says the notice is arbitrary: How did he become a Bangla national suddenly? Why should he go to a place which he has never seen, he asks.



It`s a question that resonates in almost all households of the village. The arbitrariness is all the more evident in the case of Arabinda Kayal, a Class-IV employee of the Paradip Port Trust. The entire Kayal household, including his son, daughter-in-law and daughter, have been marked out for deportation though their names figure in the voters? list and Kayal holds a PAN card as well.


International law
As part of the Nuremberg Principles, crimes against humanity are part of international law. Principle IV of the Nuremberg Principles states that

The crimes hereinafter set out are punishable as crimes under international law:... (c)Crimes against humanity:

Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation and other inhumane acts done against any civilian population, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds, when such acts are done or such persecutions are carried on in execution of or in connection with any crime against peace or any war crime.
Telford Taylor, who was Counsel for the Prosecution at the Nuremberg Trials wrote "[at] the Nuremberg war crimes trials, the tribunals rebuffed several efforts by the prosecution to bring such 'domestic' atrocities within the scope of international law as 'crimes against humanity'".

Religious persecution is systematic mistreatment of an individual or group due to their religious affiliation.

The tendency of societies to alienate or repress different subcultures is a recurrent theme in human history. Moreover, because a person's religion often determines to a significant extent his or her morality and personal identity, religious differences can be significant cultural factors. Particularly (but not exclusively) in cases where the person's religion fails to emphasize a love and tolerance for all humanity, he or she may fall into the trap of considering practitioners of another religion as amoral or inferior.[citation needed] At a societal level, this dehumanization of a particular religious group may readily turn into violence or other forms of persecution. Even those who consider religiosity in general to be declining (i.e. those believesecularization is progressing) would agree that religious persecution continues to be a serious issue worldwide. Global media coverage of increasing numbers of participants in religious fundamentalism and religiously related terrorism obviate the prevalence of such persecutions worldwide. Indeed, in many countries of the world today, religious persecution has resulted in so much violence that it is considered a human rights problem.


Several subsequent international treaties incorporate this principle, but some have dropped the restriction "in connection with any crime against peace or any war crime" that is in Nuremberg Principles the for example although only binding on the 60 states that have ratified it, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court) includes in Article 7 the definition for crimes against humanity, and clause 7.1 states "For the purpose of this Statute, "crime against humanity" means any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack: ... (h) Persecution against any identifiable group or collectivity on political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender as defined in paragraph 3,[4] or other grounds that are universally recognized as impermissible under international law, in connection with any act referred to in this paragraph or any crime within the jurisdiction of the Court;




Forms of religious persecution
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A situation in which religious persecution occurs is the opposite of freedom of religion. However, freedom of religion is not necessarily identical with the separation of church and state and religious pluralism. In a country that is not a secular state, freedom of religion can exist if the state religion grants religious toleration to all other religions and denominations.

Often it is the alleged persecution of individuals within a group in the attempt to maintain their religion identity, or the exercise of power by an individual or organization that causes members of a religious group to suffer. Persecution in this case may refer to confiscation or destruction of property, incitement to hate, arrest, imprisonment, beatings, torture, and execution.

Denial of benefits and denial of certain civil rights and liberties are less severe, and are either described as mild forms of religious persecution or as religious discrimination. There clearly is a difference between denying a religious group tax-exempt status and threatening them with imprisonment.


[edit] Religious persecution and ethnicity
Other acts of violence, such as war, torture, and ethnic cleansing might not necessarily be aimed at religion. Populations that belong to different ethnic groups often also belong to different religions or denominations. Although the difference between religious and ethnical identity might sometimes be obscure (see: Ethnoreligious), the infamous cases of Genocide of the 20th century could not be explained by religious differences.[1]

The most infamous case of antisemitism in the 20th century, the systematic mass murder of millions of European Jews by the Nazis, was not religious persecution, since the Nazis persecuted the Jews as a race, not as a religion. The Shoah made no distinction between secular Jews, atheistic Jews, orthodox Jews and Jews that had converted to Christianity. Only the persecution of Jehovah's Witnesses in Nazi Germany can be seen as religious persecution; About 12,000 of them were arrested. However, they were given the opportunity to renounce their faith and pledge to support the war in order to avoid being incarcerated.[2] (For more information see the article Religion in Nazi Germany).


[edit] Reasons for religious persecution
The descriptive use of the term religious persecution is rather difficult. Religious persecution has taken place a least since the Persecution of early Christians in the Roman Empire, and has happened in completely different historical, geographical and social contexts, but nevertheless, some generalizations are necessary. In the Western world our now common rejection of religious persecution originated in 17th century England. The English 'Call for Toleration' was the turning point in the Christian debate on religious persecution. This time has been debated thoroughly by historians, whereas, for the obvious reason of the over-abundance of material, historians generally avoid writing books on the whole of human history.

The most ambitious chronicle of that time is W.K.Jordans magnum opus The Development of Religious Toleration in England, 1558-1660 (four volumes, published 1932-1940). Jordan wrote as the thread of fascism rose in Europe, and this work is seen as a defence of the fragile values of humanism and tolerance.[3]


[edit] The demand for religious uniformity
The legal Separation of Church and State is a modern phenomenon. In modern western civil law any citizen may join and leave a religious organisation at will, but this understanding of religious toleration as civil toleration only emerged a few centuries ago. By contrast, in early modern Europe the subjects were required to attend the state church; This attitude can be described as territoriality or religious uniformity, and its underlying assumption is brought to a point by a statement of the Anglican theologian Richard Hooker: "There is not any man of the Church of England but the same man is also a member of the [English] commonwealth; nor any man a member of the commonwealth, which is not also of the Church of England."[4]

Before a vigorous debate about religious persecution took place in England (starting in the 1640s), for centuries in Europe, religion had been tied to territory. In England there had been several Acts of Uniformity; in continental Europe the Latin phrase "cuius regio, eius religio" had been used. Persecution meant that the state was committed to secure religious uniformity by coercive measures, as eminently obvious in a statement of Roger L'Estrange: "That which you call persecution, I translate Uniformity".[5]

However, in the 17th century writers like John Locke, Richard Overton and Roger William broke the link between territory and faith, which eventually resulted in a shift from territoriality to religious voluntarism.[6] It was Locke, who, in his Letter Concerning Toleration defined the state in purely secular terms:[7] "The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only for the procuring, preserving, and advancing their own civil interests."[8] Concerning the church, he went on: "A church, then, I take to be a voluntary society of men, joining themselves together of their own accord."[8]


[edit] Civil tolerance and ecclesiastical tolerance
This is not only the core of the concept of the Separation of Church and State, and thus the intellectual basis of the Secular state, this is also relevant for Christian debate on persecution and toleration. Whereas civil tolerance allows each group of believers to form their own congregation, the degree of diversity tolerated within a particular church falls under the concept of ecclesiastical tolerance.[9] The New Testament is rather strict regarding dissent within the Church. Not having the notion of separation of church and state at their disposal (or not accepting it), Christian theologians like Joseph Hall could reason from the ecclesiastical intolerance of the early Christian church in the New Testament to the civil intolerance of the Christian state.[10]

During Islamic rule of the Indian sub-continent
The Muslim conquest of the Indian subcontinent led to widespread carnage because Muslims regarded the Hindus as infidels and therefore slaughtered and converted millions of Hindus. Will Durant argued in his 1935 book "The Story of Civilization: Our Oriental Heritage" (page 459):

“ The Mohammedan conquest of India is probably the bloodiest story in history. The Islamic historians and scholars have recorded with great glee and pride the slaughters of Hindus, forced conversions, abduction of Hindu women and children to slave markets and the destruction of temples carried out by the warriors of Islam during 800 AD to 1700 AD. Millions of Hindus were converted to Islam by sword during this period. ”
There is no official estimate of the total death toll of Hindus at the hands of Muslims.

As Braudel put it: "The levies it had to pay were so crushing that one catastrophic harvest was enough to unleash famines and epidemics capable of killing a million people at a time. Appalling poverty was the constant counterpart of the conquerors' opulence."

The backward castes of Hinduism suffered worst. Monarchs (belonging to backward castes) such as Khusrau Bhangi Khan, Hemchandra and Garha-Katanga were knocked off their throne and executed. Backward caste saints like Namadeva[1] were arrested, while women like Kanhopata were forced to commit suicide. Ghisadis have an “Urdu” title.[2]

Prof. K.S. Lal, suggests a calculation in his book Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India which estimates that between the years 1000 AD and 1500 AD the population of Hindus decreased by 80 million. Even those Hindus who converted to Islam were not immune from persecution, which was illustrated by the Muslim Caste System in India as established by Ziauddin al-Barani in the Fatawa-i Jahandari.[3] where they were regarded as "Ajlaf" caste and subjected to severe discrimination by the "Ashraf" castes.[4]


[edit] By Arabs
Muslim conquest of the Indian subcontinent began during the early 8th century, when the Umayyad governor of what is now Iraq, Hajjaj responded to a casus belli provided by the kidnapping of Muslim women and treasures by pirates off the coast of Debal,[5] by mobilizing an expedition of 6,000 cavalry under Muhammad bin-Qasim in 712 CE. Records from the campaign recorded in the Chach Nama record temple demolitions, and mass executions of resisting Sindhi forces and the enslavement of their dependents. This action was particularly extensive in Debal, of which Qasim is reported to have been under orders to make an example of while freeing both the captured women and the prisoners of a previous failed expedition. Bin Qasim then enlisted the support of the local Jat, Meds and Bhutto tribes and began the process of subduing and conquering the countryside. The capture of towns was also usually accomplished by means of a treaty with a party from among his "enemy", who were then extended special privileges and material rewards.[6] However, his superior Hajjaj reportedly objected to his method by saying that it would make him look weak and advocated a more hardline military strategy:[7]

“ It appears from your letter that all the rules made by you for the comfort and convenience of your men are strictly in accordance with religious law. But the way of granting pardon prescribed by the law is different from the one adopted by you, for you go on giving pardon to everybody, high or low, without any discretion between a friend and a foe. The great God says in the Koran [47.4]: "0 True believers, when you encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads." The above command of the Great God is a great command and must be respected and followed. You should not be so fond of showing mercy, as to nullify the virtue of the act. Henceforth grant pardon to no one of the enemy and spare none of them, or else all will consider you a weak-minded man. ”

In a subsequent communication, Hajjaj reiterated that all able-bodied men were to be killed, and that their underage sons and daughters were to be imprisoned and retained as hostages. Qasim obeyed, and on his arrival at the town of Brahminabad massacred between 6,000 and 16,000 of the defending forces.[8] The historian, Upendra Thakur records the persecution of Hindus and Buddhists:

“ When Muhammad Kasim invaded Sind in 711 AD, Buddhism had no resistance to offer to their fire and steel. The rosary could not be a match for the sword and the terms Love and Peace had no meaning to them. They carried fire and sword wherever they went and obliterated all that came their way. Muhammad triumphantly marched into the country, conquering Debal, Sehwan, Nerun, Brahmanadabad, Alor and Multan one after the other in quick succession, and in less than a year and a half, the far-flung Hindu kingdom was crushed, the great civilization fell back and Sind entered the darkest period of its history. There was a fearful outbreak of religious bigotry in several places and temples were wantonly desecrated. At Debal, the Nairun and Aror temples were demolished and converted into mosques.[Resistors] were put to death and women made captives. The Jizya was exacted with special care.[Hindus] were required to feed Muslim travellers for three days and three nights.[9] ”

Other historians and archaeologists such as J E Lohuizen-de Leeuw, take the following stance regarding events preceding the sack of Debal:

“ In fact, we have clear evidence that the Arabs were very tolerant towards both Buddhists and Hindus during the rest of the campaign and throughout the time they ruled Sind...Of course that does not mean that no monuments were ever destroyed, for war always means a certain amount of damage to buildings but it does prove that there was no wanton and systematic destruction of each and every religious center of the Buddhists and Hindus in Sind.[10] ”


[edit] Mahmud of Ghazni
Mahmud of Ghazni was an Afghan Sultan who invaded the Indian subcontinent during the early 11th century. His campaigns across the gangetic plains are often cited for their iconoclastic plundering and destruction of Hindu temples such as those at Mathura and he looked upon their destruction as an act of "jihad".[11]

Pradyumna Prasad Karan further describes Mahmud's invasion as one in which he put "thousands of Hindu's to the sword" and made a pastime of "raising pyramids of the skulls of the infidels".[12][13] Holt et al. hold an opposing view, that he was "no mere robber or bloody thirsty tyrant" . Mahmud shed no blood "except in the exegencies of war",[14] and was tolerant in dealings with his own Hindu subjects, some of whom rose to high posts in his administration, such as his Hindu General Tilak[14]

Mahmud of Ghazni sacked the second Somnath Temple in 1026, and looted it of gems and precious stones and the famous Shiva lingam of the temple was destroyed and it's fragments taken away to Ghazni where they were used as stepping stones for a mosque.[15]

Shahab-ul-Din, King of Gazni (1170-1206), put Prithwi Raj, King of Ajmer and Delhi, to death in cold blood. He massacred thousands of the inhabitants of Ajmer who opposed him, reserving the remainder for slavery (The Kamiu-t Tawarikh by Asir).[citation needed]

In the Taj-ul-Ma’asir by Hassn Nizam-i-Naishapuri, it is stated that when Qutb-ul- Din Aibak (1194-1210) conquered Meerat, he demolished all the Hindu temples of the city and erected mosques on their sites. In the city of Aligarh, he converted Hindu inhabitants to Islam by the sword and beheaded all those who adhered to their own religion. The Persian historian Wassaf writes in his Tazjiyat-ul-Amsar wa Tajriyat ul Asar that when Alaul-Din Khilji (1295-1316) captured the city of Kambayat at the head of the gulf ofCambay, he killed the adult male Hindu inhabitants for the glory of Islam, set flowing rivers of blood, sent the women of the country with all their gold, silver, and jewels, to his own home, and made about twentv thousand maidens his private slaves. Ala-ul-Din once asked his Qazi’, what was the Mohammadan law prescribed for the Hindus. The Qazi replied, “Hindus are like the mud; if silver is demanded from them, they must with the greatest humility offer gold. If a Mohammadan desire to spit into a Hindu’s mouth, the Hindu should open it wide for the purpose. God created the Hindus to be slaves of the Mohammadans. The Prophet hath ordained that, if the Hindus do not accept Islam, they should be imprisoned, tortured, finally put to death, and their property confiscated.” Sayad Mohammad Latif writes in his history of the Punjab, “Great jealousy and hatred existed those days between the Hindus and Mohammadans and the whole non-Muslim population w• subject to persecution by the Mohammadan rulers.”[citation needed]


[edit] In the Delhi Sultanate
The first Muslim Empire of India, the Sultanate of Delhi, was established in 1210 CE by Turkic tribes that invaded the subcontinent from Afghanistan. Many temples were looted and destroyed. Infamous cases include the destruction of the Somnath.[citation needed]


[edit] Muhammad Ghori
Muhammad Ghori committed genocide against Hindus at Koi (modern Aligarh), Kalinjar and Varanasi, according to Hasan Nizami's Taj-ul-Maasir, 20,000 Hindu prisoners were slaughtered and their heads offered to crows.[16]


[edit] Timur the Lame's Campaign against India
Main article: Timur
Timur bin Taraghay Barlas (Chagatai Turkic: ????? - Temor, "iron") (1336 – February 1405), known in the West as Tamerlane, was a 14th century warlord of Turco-Mongol descent,[17][18][19][20] conqueror of much of western and central Asia, and founder of the Timurid Empire and Timurid dynasty (1370–1405) in Central Asia, which survived in some form until 1857. Perhaps, he is more commonly known by his pejorative Persian name Timur-e Lang (Persian: ????? ???) which translates to Timur the Lame, as he was lame after sustaining an injury to the leg in battle.

Informed about civil war in India, Timur began a trek starting in 1397 to invade the territory of the reigning Sultan Nasir-u Din Mehmud of the Tughlaq Dynasty in the north Indian city of Delhi.

Timur crossed the Indus River at Attock on September 24. The capture of towns and villages was often followed by the massacre of their inhabitants and the raping of their women, as well as pillaging to support his massive army. Timur wrote many times in his memoirs of his specific disdain for the 'idolatrous' Hindus, although he also waged war against Muslim Indians during his campaign.

Timur's invasion did not go unopposed and he did meet some resistance during his march to Delhi, most notably by the Sarv Khap coalition in northern India, and the Governor of Meerut. Although impressed and momentarily stalled by the valour of Ilyaas Awan, Timur was able to continue his relentless approach to Delhi, arriving in 1398 to combat the armies of Sultan Mehmud, already weakened by an internal battle for ascension within the royal family.

The Sultan's army was easily defeated on December 17, 1398. Timur entered Delhi and the city was sacked, destroyed, and left in ruins. Before the battle for Delhi, Timur executed more than 100,000 captives.

Timur himself recorded the invasions in his memoirs, collectively known as Tuzk-i-Timuri.[21] In them, he vividly described the massacre at Delhi:

In a short space of time all the people in the [New Delhi] fort were put to the sword, and in the course of one hour the heads of 10,000 infidels were cut off. The sword of Islam was washed in the blood of the infidels, and all the goods and effects, the treasure and the grain which for many a long year had been stored in the fort became the spoil of my soldiers. They set fire to the houses and reduced them to ashes, and they razed the buildings and the fort to the ground....All these infidel Hindus were slain, their women and children, and their property and goods became the spoil of the victors. I proclaimed throughout the camp that every man who had infidel prisoners should put them to death, and whoever neglected to do so should himself be executed and his property given to the informer. When this order became known to the ghazis of Islam, they drew their swords and put their prisoners to death.

One hundred thousand infidels, impious idolators, were on that day slain. Maulana Nasiruddin Umar, a counselor and man of learning, who, in all his life, had never killed a sparrow, now, in execution of my order, slew with his sword fifteen idolatrous Hindus, who were his captives....on the great day of battle these 100,000 prisoners could not be left with the baggage, and that it would be entirely opposed to the rules of war to set these idolaters and enemies of Islam at liberty...no other course remained but that of making them all food for the sword.[22]

According to Malfuzat-i-Timuri,[23] Timur targeted Hindus. In his own words, "Excepting the quarter of the saiyids, the 'ulama and the other Musalmans [sic], the whole city was sacked". In his descriptions of the Loni massacre he wrote, "..Next day I gave orders that the Musalman prisoners should be separated and saved."

During the ransacking of Delhi, almost all inhabitants not killed were captured and enslaved.

Timur left Delhi in approximately January 1399. In April he had returned to his own capital beyond the Oxus (Amu Darya). Immense quantities of spoils were taken from India. According to Ruy Gonzáles de Clavijo, 90 captured elephants were employed merely to carry precious stones looted from his conquest, so as to erect a mosque at Samarkand — what historians today believe is the enormous Bibi-Khanym Mosque. Ironically, the mosque was constructed too quickly and suffered greatly from disrepair within a few decades of its construction.


[edit] Qutb-ud-din Aibak
Historical records compiled by Muslim historian Maulana Hakim Saiyid Abdul Hai attest to the iconoclasm of Qutb-ud-din Aybak. The first mosque built in Delhi, the "Quwwat al-Islam" was built after the demolission of the Hindu temple built previously by Prithvi Raj and certain parts of the temple were left outside the mosque proper.[24] This pattern of iconoclasm was common during his reign, although an argument goes that such iconoclasm was motivated more by politics than by religion.[25]


[edit] Iltutmish
Another ruler of the sultanate, Shams-ud-din Iltutmish, conquered and subjugated the Hindu pilgrimage site Varanasi in the 11th century and he continued the destruction of Hindu temples and idols that had begun during the first attack in 1194.[26]


[edit] Firuz Shah Tughlaq
Firuz Shah Tughluq was the third ruler of the Tughlaq dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate. The "Tarikh-i-Firuz Shah" is a historical record written during his reign that attests to the systematic persecution of Hindus under his rule.[27] In particular, it records atrocities committed against Hindu Brahmin priests who refused to convert to Islam:

“ An order was accordingly given to the Brahman and was brought before Sultan. The true faith was declared to the Brahman and the right course pointed out. but he refused to accept it. A pile was risen on which the Kaffir with his hands and legs tied was thrown into and the wooden tablet on the top. The pile was lit at two places his head and his feet. The fire first reached him in the feet and drew from him a cry and then fire completely enveloped him. Behold Sultan for his strict adherence to law and rectitude.[27] ”

Under his rule, Hindus who were forced to pay the mandatory Jizya tax were recorded as infidels, their communities monitored and, if they violated Imperial ordinances and built temples, they were destroyed. In particular, an incident in the village of Gohana in Haryana was recorded in the "Insha-i-Mahry" (another historical record written by Amud Din Abdullah bin Mahru) where Hindus had erected a deity and were arrested, brought to the palace and executed en-masse.[27]

In 1230, the Hindu King of Orissa Anangabhima III consolidated his rule and proclaimed that an attack on Orissa constituted an attack on the king's god. A sign of Anangabhima's determination to protect Hindu culture is the fact that he named is new capital in Cuttack “Abhinava Varanasi.” His anxieties about further Muslim advances in Orissa proved to be well founded.


[edit] In the Mughal empire
The Mughal Empire was marked by periods of tolerance of non-Muslims, such as Hindus, Christians and Sikhs, as well as periods of violent oppression and persecution of those people.[28] The reign of Aurangzeb was particularly brutal. No aspect of Aurangzeb's reign is more cited - or more controversial - than the numerous desecrations and even the destruction of Hindu temples.[28] Aurangzeb banned Diwali, placed a jizya (tax) on non-Muslims and martyred the ninth Sikh guru Tegh Bahadur.[28]

During his reign, tens of thousands of temples were desecrated: their facades and interiors were defaced and their murtis (divine images) looted.[28] In many cases, temples were destroyed entirely; in numerous instances mosques were built on their foundations, sometimes using the same stones. Among the temples Aurangzeb destroyed were two that are most sacred to Hindus, in Varanasi and Mathura.[29] In both cases, he had large mosques built on the sites.[28]

The Kesava Deo temple in Mathura, marked the place that Hindus believe was the birth place of Shri Krishna.[29] In 1661 Aurangzeb ordered the demolition of the temple, and constructed the Katra Masjid mosque. Traces of the ancient Hindu temple can be seen from the back of the mosque. Aurangzeb also destroyed what was the most famous temple in Varanasi- the Vishwanath Temple.[29] The temple had changed its location over the years, but in 1585 Akbar had authorized its location at Gyan Vapi. Aurangzeb ordered its demolition in 1669 and constructed a mosque on the site, whose minarets stand 71 metres above the Ganges. Traces of the old temple can be seen behind the mosque. Centuries later, emotional debate about these wanton acts of cultural desecration continues. Aurangzeb also destroyed the Somnath temple in 1706.[29]

According to Hindu claims the Mughals supposedly also destroyed the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, at the birthplace of the Hindu deity Rama. On top of it, they built the Babri Masjid, which has since been a source of tension between the Hindu and Muslim communities.

Writer Fernand Braudel wrote in A History of Civilizations (Penguin 1988/1963, p.232-236), Islamic rule in India as a "colonial experiment" was "extremely violent", and "the Muslims could not rule the country except by systematic terror. Cruelty was the norm – burnings, summary executions, crucifixions or impalements, inventive tortures. Hindu temples were destroyed to make way for mosques. On occasion there were forced conversions. If ever there were an uprising, it was instantly and savagely repressed: houses were burned, the countryside was laid waste, men were slaughtered and women were taken as slaves."


[edit] Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan
The attitudes of Muslim ruler Tippu Sultan have been criticized as anti-Hindu. While some Marxist historians claim that he had an egalitarian attitude towards Hindus and was harsh towards them only when politically expedient,[30] In the first part of his reign in particular he appears to have been notably more aggressive and religiously doctrinaire than his father, Haidar Ali.[31] There are some historians[32] who claim that Tippu Sultan was a religious persecutor of Hindus.

C. K. Kareem also notes that Tippu Sultan issued an edict for the destruction of Hindu temples in Kerala.[33]

Historian Hayavadana C. Rao wrote about Tippu in his encyclopaedic work on the History of Mysore. He asserted that Tippu's "religious fanaticism and the excesses committed in the name of religion, both in Mysore and in the provinces, stand condemned for all time. His bigotry, indeed, was so great that it precluded all ideas of toleration". He further asserts that the acts of Tippu that were constructive towards Hindus were largely political and ostentatious rather than an indication of genuine tolerance.[34]

Hindu groups revile Tipu Sultan as a bigot who massacred Hindus.[35] He was known to carry out forced conversions of Hindus and Christians.[36][Quotation needed from source]. According to Ramchandra Rao "Punganuri" Tipu converted 500 Hindus in Kodagu (Coorg).[37]





[edit] In Kashmir
The Hindu minority in Kashmir has also been historically persecuted by Muslim rulers.[38] While Hindus and Muslims lived in harmony for certain periods of time, several Muslim rulers of Kashmir were intolerant of other religions. Sultãn Sikandar Butshikan of Kashmir (AD 1389-1413) is often considered the worst of these. Historians have recorded many of his atrocities. The Tarikh-i-Firishta records that Sikandar persecuted the Hindus and issued orders proscribing the residency of any other than Muslims in Kashmir. He also ordered the breaking of all "golden and silver images". The Tarikh-i-Firishta further states: "Many of the Brahmins, rather than abandon their religion or their country, poisoned themselves; some emigrated from their native homes, while a few escaped the evil of banishment by becoming Mahomedans. After the emigration of the Bramins, Sikundur ordered all the temples in Kashmeer to be thrown down......Having broken all the images in Kashmeer, (Sikandar) acquired the title of ‘Destroyer of Idols’".[39] The 2000 Amarnath pilgrimage massacre was another incident where 30 Hindu pilgrims were killed on route to Amarnath temple[40].


[edit] During European rule of the Indian subcontinent
The Goa Inquisition, was established in 1560 by Portuguese missionaries. It was aimed primarily at Hindus and wayward new converts and by the time it was suppressed in 1774, the inquisition had had thousands of Hindus tortured and executed by burning. The British East India Company engaged in a covert and well-financed campaign of evangelical conversions in the 19th century. While officially discouraging conversions, officers of the Company routinely converted Sepoys to Christianity, often by force. This was one of the factors that led to the First Indian War of Independence.[41]


[edit] Contemporary persecution
While the vast majority of Hindus live in Hindu-majority areas of India, Hindus in other parts of South Asia and in the diaspora have sometimes faced persecution.


[edit] In the Indian subcontinent
Hindus, like Muslims, Sikhs, and members of other religious groups, experienced severe dislocation and violence during the massive population exchanges associated with the partition of India, as members of various communities moved to what they hoped was the relative safety of an area where they would be a religious majority. Hindus were among the between 200,000 and a million who died during the rioting and other violence associated with the partition.[42]


[edit] India

[edit] Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmiri militants have engaged in attacks on Hindu pilgrims in both Kashmir and neighboring Jammu. Kashmiri militants have attacked Hindus in the region, as well as moderate Muslims suspected of siding with India. Kashmiri Pandit Hindus, who have been residents of Kashmir for centuries, have been ethnically cleansed from Kashmir by Islamic militants.[43][44] In particular, the Wandhama Massacre in 1998 was an incident in which 24 Kashmiri Hindus were gunned down by Islamists disguised as Indian soldiers. Many Kashmiri Hindus have been killed and thousands of children orphaned over the course of the conflict in Kashmir.


[edit] Kerala
The Moplah Riots in 1921 where Muslims in Kerala, influenced by the Khilafat movement rioted in rebellion against British Raj and Hindu Jenmis, resulted in thousands of Hindu deaths and a number of forcible conversions. Parts of Kerala such as Ernad and Walluvanad were declared as Khilafat kingdoms by groups of Muslim mobs and flags of the Islamic Caliphate were flown.[45] Annie Besant stated in her book: "They Moplahs murdered and plundered abundantly, and killed or drove away all Hindus who would not apostatise. Somewhere about a lakh (100,000) of people were driven from their homes with nothing but their clothes they had on, stripped of everything...Malabar has taught us what Islamic rule still means, and we do not want to see another specimen of the Khilafat Raj in India."[46]


[edit] Northeast India
In Northeastern India, especially in Nagaland, Hindus are not able to celebrate Durga Puja and other essential festivals due to harassment and killing by Christian terrorist groups. In Tripura,[47] the NLFT has targeted Swamis and temples for attacks. The Baptist Church of Tripura is alleged to have supplied NLFT with arms and financial support and encouraged the murder of Hindus, particularly infants.[48]


[edit] Punjab
Main article: Punjab insurgency
The period of insurgency in Punjab around Operation Bluestar saw clashes of the Sikh militants with the police, as well as with the Hindu-Nirankari groups resulting in many Hindu deaths. In 1987, 32 Hindus were pulled out of the bus and shot, near Lalru in Punjab by Sikh militants.[49]

See also: Hinduism in India

[edit] Bangladesh
The HAF report documents the long history of anti-Hindu atrocities in Bangladesh, a topic that many Indians and Indian governments over the years have preferred not to acknowledge. Such atrocities, including targeted attacks against temples, open theft of Hindu property, and rape of young Hindu women and enticements to convert to Islam, have increased sharply in recent years after the Jamat-e-Islami joined the coalition government led by the Bangladesh National Party.

Bangladesh has had a troublesome history of persecution of Hindus as well. A US-based human rights organisation, Refugees International, has claimed that religious minorities, especially Hindus, still face discrimination in Bangladesh.[50] The government of Bangladesh, a nationalist party openly calls for ‘Talibanisation’ of the state.[51][52][53] However, the prospect of actually "Talibanizing" the state is regarded as a remote possibility, since Bangladeshi Islamic society is generally more progressive than the extremist Taliban of Afghanistan. Political scholars conclude that while the Islamization of Bangladesh is real, the country is not on the brink of being Talibanized.[51] In 1971 at the time of the liberation of Bangladesh from East Pakistan, the Hindu population accounted for 15% of the total population. Thirty years on, it is now estimated at just 10.5%.[54] The ‘Vested Property Act’ previously named the ‘Enemy Property Act’ has seen up to 40% of Hindu land snatched away forcibly. Since this government has come into power, of all the rape crimes registered in Bangladesh, 98% have been registered by Hindu women. Hindu temples in Bangladesh have also been vandalised.[55][56] The United States Congressional Caucus on India has condemned these atrocities.[57]

Bangladeshi feminist Taslima Nasrin's 1993 novel Lajja deals with the anti-Hindu riots and anti-secular sentiment in Bangladesh in the wake of the destruction of the Babri Masjid in India. The book was banned in Bangladesh, and helped draw international attention to the situation of the Bangladeshi Hindu minority.

In October 2006, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom published a report titled 'Policy Focus on Bangladesh', which said that since its last election, 'Bangladesh has experienced growing violence by religious extremists, intensifying concerns expressed by the countries religious minorities'. The report further stated that Hindus are particularly vulnerable in a period of rising violence and extremism, whether motivated by religious, political or criminal factors, or some combination. The report noted that Hindus had multiple disadvantages against them in Bangladesh, such as perceptions of dual loyalty with respect to India and religious beliefs that are not tolerated by the politically dominant Islamic Fundamentalists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Violence against Hindus has taken place "in order to encourage them to flee in order to seize their property".The previous reports of the Hindu American Foundation were acknowledged and confirmed by this non-partisan report.[58]

On November 2, 2006, USCIRF criticized Bangladesh for its continuing persecution of minority Hindus. It also urged the Bush administration to get Dhaka to ensure protection of religious freedom and minority rights before Bangladesh's next national elections in January 2007.[58]

See also: Hinduism in Bangladesh

[edit] Pakistan
There are a number of instances of persecution of Hindus in Pakistan. Minority members of the Pakistan National Assembly have alleged that Hindus were being hounded and humiliated to force them to leave Pakistan.[59]


[edit] 1971 Bangladesh atrocities
Main articles: 1971 Bangladesh atrocities and Operation Searchlight
During the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities there were widespread killings and acts of ethnic cleansing of civilians in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan under Pakistani occupation), and widespread violations of human rights were carried out by the Pakistan Army, which was supported by political and religious militias during the Bangladesh Liberation War. In Bangladesh, the atrocities are identified as a genocide, which is disputed by Pakistan and some Pakistani, Indian and Bengali scholars. Many of the victims were Hindus, and the total death toll was in the millions.[60][61]TIME magazine reported that "The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Muslim military's hatred."[62]


[edit] Masih incident
On June 29, 2005, police in Nowshera, NWFP, arrested Christian janitor Yousaf Masih on blasphemy charges. Witnesses claimed Masih had burned pages of the Qur'an while disposing of trash for his employer. Following his arrest, a mob of between 300 and 500 protesters destroyed a Hindu temple and houses belonging to Christian and Hindu families in the city. While police arrested some perpetrators after the fact, under the terms of a deal negotiated between Islamic religious leaders and the Hindu/Christian communities, police released all of them without charge. Police released Masih from custody on bail on August 6, 2005.[63]


[edit] Forced Conversions
Hindu women have also been known to be victims of kidnapping and forced conversion to Islam.[64] Krishan Bheel, a Hindu member of the National Assembly of Pakistan, came into the news recently for manhandling Qari Gul Rehman after being taunted with a religious insult.[65]

On October 18, 2005, Sanno Amra and Champa, a Hindu couple residing in the Punjab Colony, Karachi, Sindh returned home to find that their three teenage daughters had disappeared. After inquiries to the local police, the couple discovered that their daughters had been taken to a local madrassah, had been converted to Islam, and were denied unsupervised contact with their parents.[63]


[edit] Temple Destruction
Several Hindu temples have been destroyed in Pakistan. A notable incident was the destruction of the Ramna Kali Mandir in former East Pakistan. The temple was bulldozed by the Pakistan Army on March 27, 1971.The Dhakeshwari Temple was severely damaged during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, and over half of the temple's buildings were destroyed. In a major disrespect of the religion, the main worship hall was taken over by the Pakistan Army and used as an ammunitions storage area. Several of the temple custodians were tortured and killed by the Army though most, including the Head Priest, fled first to their ancestral villages and then to India and therefore escaped death.

In 2006, the last Hindu temple in Lahore was destroyed to pave the way for construction of a multi-storied commercial building. The temple was demolished after officials of the Evacuee Property Trust Board concealed facts from the board chairman about the nature of the building. When reporters from Pakistan-based newspaper Dawn tried to cover the incident, they were accosted by the henchmen of the property developer, who denied that a Hindu temple existed at the site.[66]

Several political parties in Pakistan have objected to this move, such as the Pakistan People's party and the Pakistani Muslim League-N.[67][68] The move has also evoked strong condemnation in India from minority bodies and political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Congress Party, as well as Muslim advocacy political parties such as the All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat.[69] A firm of lawyers representing the Hindu minority has approached the Lahore High Court seeking a directive to the builders to stop the construction of the commercial plaza and reconstruct the temple at the site. The petitioners maintain that the demolition violates section 295 of the Pakistan Penal Code prohibiting the demolition of places of worship.[70]

See also: Hinduism in Pakistan

[edit] In other countries

[edit] Afghanistan
During the Taliban regime, Sumptuary laws were passed in 2001 which forced Hindus to wear yellow badges in public to identify themselves as such. This has been compared to Adolf Hitler's treatment of Jews in Nazi Germany during World War II.[71][72] Hindu women were forced to dress according to Islamic hijab, ostensibly a measure to "protect" them from harassment. This was part of the Taliban's plan to segregate "un-Islamic" and "idolatrous" communities from Islamic ones.[73] In addition, Hindus were forced to mark their places of residence identifying them as Hindu homes.

The decree was condemned by the Indian and United States governments as a violation of religious freedom.[74] Widespread protests against the Taliban regime broke out in Bhopal,India. In the United States, chairman of the Anti-Defamation League Abraham Foxman compared the decree to the practices of Nazi Germany, where Jews were required to wear labels identifying them as such.[75] The comparison was also drawn by California Democrat and holocaust survivor Tom Lantos, and New York Democrat and author of the bipartisan 'Sense of the Congress' non-binding resolution against the anti-Hindu decree Eliot L Engel.[76] In the United States, congressmen and several lawmakers.[77] wore yellow badges on the floor of the Senate during the debate as a demonstration of their solidarity with the Hindu minority in Afghanistan.[78]

Indian analyst Rahul Banerjee said that this was not the first time that Hindus have been singled out for state-sponsored oppression in Afghanistan. Violence against Hindus has caused a rapid depletion in the Hindu population over the years.[78] Since the 1990s many Afghan Hindus have fled the country, seeking asylum in countries such as Germany.[79]

See also: Hinduism in Afghanistan

[edit] Indonesia
2002 Bali Bombing
2005 Bali Bombings

[edit] Kazakhstan
In 2005 and 2006 Kazakh officials persistently and repeatedly tried to close down the Hare Krishna farming community near Almaty.

On November 20, 2006, three buses full of riot police, two ambulances, two empty lorries, and executors of the Karasai district arrived at the community in sub-zero weather and evicted the Hare Krishna followers from thirteen homes, which the police proceeded to demolish.

The Forum 18 News Service reported, "Riot police who took part in the destruction threw the personal belongings of the Hare Krishna devotees into the snow, and many devotees were left without clothes. Power for lighting and heating systems had been cut off before the demolition began. Furniture and larger household belongings were loaded onto trucks. Officials said these possessions would be destroyed. Two men who tried to prevent the bailiffs from entering a house to destroy it were seized by 15 police officers who twisted their hands and took them away to the police car."[80]

The Hare Krishna community had been promised that no action would be taken before the report of a state commission – supposedly set up to resolve the dispute – was made public. On the day the demolition began, the commission's chairman, Amanbek Mukhashev, told Forum 18, "I know nothing about the demolition of the Hare Krishna homes – I'm on holiday." He added, "As soon as I return to work at the beginning of December we will officially announce the results of the Commission's investigation." Other officials also refused to comment.

The United States urged Kazakhstan's authorities to end what it called an "aggressive" campaign against the country's tiny Hare Krishna community.[81]


[edit] Malaysia
See also: Hinduism in Malaysia
Approximately nine percent of the population of Malaysia are Tamil Indians, of whom nearly 90 percent are practicing Hindus. Indian settlers came to Malaysia from Tamil Nadu in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Between April to May 2006, several Hindu temples were demolished by city hall authorities in the country, accompanied by violence against Hindus.[82] On April 21, 2006, the Malaimel Sri Selva Kaliamman Temple in Kuala Lumpur was reduced to rubble after the city hall sent in bulldozers.[83]

The president of the Consumers Association of Subang and Shah Alam in Selangor State has been helping to organise efforts to stop the local authorities in the Muslim dominated city of Shah Alam from demolishing a 107-year-old Hindu temple. The growing Islamization in Malaysia is a cause for concern to many Malaysians who follow minority religions such as Hinduism.[84] On May 11, 2006, armed city hall officers from Kuala Lumpur forcefully demolished part of a 60-year-old suburban temple that serves more than 1,000 Hindus. The "Hindu Rights Action Force", a coalition of several NGO's, have protested these demolitions by lodging complaints with the Malaysian Prime Minister.[85] Many Hindu advocacy groups have protested what they allege is a systematic plan of temple cleansing in Malaysia. The official reason given by the Malaysian government has been that the temples were built "illegally". However, several of the temples are centuries old.[85] On average, a Hindu temple is demolished in Malaysia once every three weeks.[86]


[edit] Saudi Arabia
On March 24, Saudi authorities destroyed religious items found in a raid on a makeshift Hindu shrine found in an apartment in Riyadh.[87]


[edit] Fiji
Hindus in Fiji constitute approximately 38% of the population. During the late 1990s there were several riots against Hindus by radical elements in Fiji. In the Spring of 2000, the democratically elected Fijian government led by Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry was held hostage by a guerilla group, headed by George Speight. They were demanding a segregated state exclusively for the native Fijians, thereby legally abolishing any rights the Hindu inhabitants have now. The majority of Fijian land is reserved for the ethnically Fijian community.[88] Since the practitioners of Hindu faith are predominantly Indians, racist attacks by the extremist Fijian Nationalists too often culminated into violence against the institutions of Hinduism. According to official reports, attacks on Hindu institutions increased by 14% compared to 2004. Hindus and Hinduism, being labeled the “outside others,” especially in the aftermath of the May 2000 coup, have been victimized by Fijian fundamentalist and nationalists who wish to create a theocratic Christian state in Fiji. This intolerance of Hindus has found expression in anti-Hindu speeches and destruction of temples, the two most common forms of immediate and direct violence against Hindus. Between 2001 and April 2005, one hundred cases of temple attacks have been registered with the police. The alarming increase of temple destruction has spread fear and intimidation among the Hindu minorities and has hastened immigration to neighboring Australia and New Zealand. organized religious institutions, such as the Methodist Church of Fiji, have repeatedly called for the creation of a theocratic Christian State and have propagated anti-Hindu sentiment[89].

The Methodist church of Fiji repeatedly calls for the creation of a Christian State since a coup d'etat in 1987[90][91] and has stated that those who are not Christian should be "tolerated as long as they obey Christian law".

The Methodist Church of Fiji specifically objects to the constitutional protection of minority religious communities such as Hindus and Muslims. State favoritism of Christianity, and systematic attacks on temples, are some of the greatest threats faced by Fijian Hindus. Despite the creation of a human rights commission, the plight of Hindus in Fiji continues to be precarious[92].

See also: Hinduism in Fiji and Church involvement in Fiji coups

[edit] Trinidad
During the initial decades of Indian indenture, Indian cultural forms were met with either contempt or indifference by the Christian majority.[93] Hindus have made many contributions to Trinidad history and culture even though the state historically regarded Hindus as second class citizens.Hindus in Trinidad struggled over the granting of adult franchise, the Hindu marriage bill, the divorce bill, cremation ordinance, and others.[93]After Trinidad's independence from colonial rule, Hindus were marginalized by the African based People's National Movement. The opposing party, the People's Democratic party, was portrayed as a "Hindu group", and Hindus were castigated as a "recalcitrant and hostile minority".[93] The displacement of PNM from power in 1985 would improve the situation.

Intensified protests over the course of the 1980s led to an improvement in the state's attitudes towards Hindus.[93]The divergence of some of the fundamental aspects of local Hindu culture, the segregation of the Hindu community from Trinidad, and the disinclination to risk erasing the more fundamental aspects of what had been constructed as "Trinidad Hinduism" in which the identity of the group had been rooted, would often generate dissension when certain dimensions of Hindu culture came into contact with the State. While the incongruences continue to generate debate, and often conflict, it is now tempered with growing awareness and consideration on the part of the state to the Hindu minority.[93] Hindus have been also been subjected to persistent proselytization by Christian missionaries[94]. Specifically the evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. Such activities reflect racial tensions that at times arise between the Christianized Afro-Trinidadian and Hindu Indo-Trinidadian communities[95].